Aleksandra Kanjuo Mrčela Faculty for Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana Work and Welfare in Europe: New Compromises or Ongoing Demise? Brussels June.

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Presentation transcript:

Aleksandra Kanjuo Mrčela Faculty for Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana Work and Welfare in Europe: New Compromises or Ongoing Demise? Brussels June 15-17th 2011 The Agency Gap: Capabilities for a Worklife Balance in CEE countries

Analysis in Hungary and Slovenia understanding capabilities of individuals for reconciling paid work and parenthood in CEE economic context: transition to capitalism + crisis gender context: declaration of equality and the objective of women’s emancipation in CEE countries, still gender segregation and overburden of unpaid work

Conceptual frames of reference: - Capability approach ( Sen, 1995, 1999; Agarwal et al., 2005; Hobson & Fahlen, 2009) - Changing gender roles/experiences in private and public spheres of life and cultural/policy contexts (Fagan 2004; Crompton, 2006; Hobson et al, 2002, Pfau-Effinger, 2005) - Organisational values/culture (Thompson et al, 1999); Flexibility and organisational/social changes (Pollert, 1991, Bradley, 2000, Hochschild, 2003)

Research assumption: Capabilities of employed parents for balancing out paid work and parenthood are embedded in interplay of resources at the individual, organisational, institutional and normative/societal levels.

Methodology: - Analysis of policies related to parenthood - Analysis of statistical data - Rich surveys data (parents of small children and young people)

CEE countries –Dual-earner family model –Legacy of state support for parental leave and childcare arrangements –High labour force participation of women (but – differences: 49,9% HU and 63,8 % Slo in 2009) –Women are in full-time employment (also differences among countries)

Gender (in)equality in paid work and care work Public discourse – dual-earning family, but women primary responsible for small children Changes after transition – economic situation worsening and development of social policies in different directions (familist policies in Hungary and paternal leave+Barcelona targets in Slovenia) Differences in public opinion concerning gender roles

Slovenia subsidised public child care Maternity leave: 15 weeks (100%) Paternity leave: 15 days (100 %) – used by majority of fathers + 75 days (basic insurance paid) Parental leave: 260 days (100%) – used by mothers Part time work for parents – rarely used The impact of motherhood on women’s employment -3.7 pp (2009) Policies related to parenthood Hungary cutting public expenditure for childcare facilities Three years of child-care leave (2 years of 70%) – used by mothers Mothers – low reintegration to the labour market Part-time work for parents – rarely used The impact of motherhood on women’s employment pp (2009)

HungarySlovenia Length of parental leave 3 years1 year Availability of childcare services - Childcare coverage rate 0-2 years 6%27% Labour market flexibility - % of employed women with part-time contracts 5.4%12.5% Source: Plantenga, J., Ch. Remery 2005 and the European Commission 2006.

Choices : acceptance of high intensity of work and low quality of work organisation … ‘ Work must be done...mostly you put work in the first place, other things are not so important’ (father, 34, retail, Slovenia) „Obviously, one must support his/her family, so working is a must. You have no choice.“ (father, semiskilled construction worker, Hungary) ‘Work must be done, it is your problem how much time you need for it (woman, 28, computer industry, Slovenia) „There is no such thing as overwork – there are only tasks to be completed!“ (father, sales engineer, Hungary)

And lack of choice for mothers and fathers: workplace discrimination and mistreatment because of parenthood „My wife is highly educated, but many employers said „Two young children? No, thank you!““. (father, IT industry, Slovenia). „When I was pregnant with a second child, they withdrew a proposed promotion“ (mother, retail, Slovenia) narratives of risk „ She (mother of a sick child) was countinually being called in. She wasn‘t sacked, but left.“ (mother, Hungary)

gendered expectations „They frowned at me even when I took just these two days after the childbirth, so I did not take any more“ (father in retail, Slovenia) „ Most of the employees are men. This (WLB) is not an issue here“ (father, low education, Hungary) financial presurres „I could say no but I rarely would, as extra money is always welcome“ (father, Hungary)

Conclusions: - importance of economic situation: intensification of working lives, pressures especially strong for parents with small children and these pressures are gender specific - importance of social policies and social expectations – (eg. Parental and paternal leave – cognitive shifts at individual and collective level)

Hungary and Slovenia Same: dominance of paid work over other parts of life and a double burden of paid and unpaid work for women Similar: increase in flexibility/uncertainty of employment Different: extent of consideration of gender equality in paid and unpaid work at institinional, organisational and societal level, economic situation interplay between individual agency gap to make claims for WLB, and institutional context, organisational work cultures that reflect widespread assumptions about gender roles different development of social policies + economic situation + different social norms and expectations– more capabilities of Slovenian parents