with Child Sexual Abuse Histories Attributions of Responsibility and Blame in a Child Sexual Abuse Vignette among Respondents with Child Sexual Abuse Histories Hilary Harding, B.A., Heidi Zinzow, Ph.D., Erin Hartzell, B.S., Abby Levin, Sarah Clayton, Lauren Evans, & Joan Jackson, Ph.D. University of Georgia Method Introduction Results Participants 1369 predominantly white female undergraduate university students Mean age was 18.9 (SD = 1.3) 144 participants had CSA experience 75.7% had extrafamilial perpetrators Age of victimization (M=11.8, SD=4.7) Age of perpetrator (M=26.1, SD=11.5) Measures Life Experiences Questionnaire (Ray, 1993) Child Sexual Abuse Vignette (adapted from Back & Lips, 1998) with manipulations of: Victim age (6 or 13-year old victim) Relationship to Perpetrator (father or neighbor) Attributions of Blame and Responsibility (Adapted from Back & Lips, 1998) with three factors: mother culpability victim culpability perpetrator culpability Similarity to Vignette Victim (high or low) Based on perpetrator age, age of first or only event, and relationship to perpetrator Hypothesis A) Results revealed a significant multivariate main effect for Vignette Perpetrator, Wilks’ Lambda = 0.69; F(2, 232) = 51.29; p < .001. More blame was assigned to the mother when the perpetrator was a neighbor (M = 11.03, SD = 3.84), compared to when the perpetrator was a father (M = 5.98, SD = 2.40), F(1, 238) = 102.4, p < .001, partial η2 = .31 (Figure 1). Further, more blame was assigned to the victim when the perpetrator was a neighbor (M = 5.97, SD = 3.07), compared to father (M = 5.24, SD = 2.06), F(1, 238) = 3.3, p = .07, partial η2 = .014 (Figure 2). Hypothesis B) Results revealed a significant multivariate main effect for Age of Victim, Wilks’ Lambda = 0.96; F(2, 232) = 4.30; p = .015. More blame was assigned to the 13 year-old victim (M = 6.15, SD = 2.89), compared to the 6 year-old victim (M = 5.19, SD = 2.37), F(1, 238) = 8.61, p = .004, partial η2 = .04 (Figure 3). Public attitudes regarding child sexual abuse (CSA) are important as they affect policies regarding child placement, reporting of sexual abuse, and psychological adjustment of survivors. Research indicates that Child Protective Service workers’ decisions maybe influenced by attributions of responsibility for the abuse (Ringwalt & Earp, 1988). In addition, CSA survivors may refrain from disclosing their abuse in fear of negative social reactions, including stigmatization and blame (Ullmann, 2007). Psychological problems such as avoidance can lead to significant social, physical and psychological harm over the long term. This avoidance response, particularly in abuse cases, may contribute to potential revictimization (Hayes & Gifford, 1997). Previous research using vignettes depicting a hypothetical CSA situation has shown that older victims are attributed more blame than younger victims (Back & Lips, 1998). Other research has suggested that victims and non-offending parents are attributed less responsibility when the perpetrator is a parent rather than a neighbor (Waterman & Foss-Goodman, 1984). The literature is inconclusive regarding whether individuals with CSA histories assign blame differently than those without. For example, Waterman and Foss-Goodman found that respondents with CSA histories blamed hypothetical victims less than respondents without CSA histories. Recent attempts to replicate this finding revealed no differences between respondents with CSA experience and those without (Rogers & Davies, 2007). Using a CSA vignette with manipulations of victim age (6 or 13 years-old) and relationship to the perpetrator (father or neighbor), the current study examined the attributions of responsibility to victim and a non-perpetrating family member among respondents with and without CSA histories. The defensive attribution theory states that greater perceived similarity to the victim is associated with lower attribution of responsibility to the victim (Shaver, 1970). Thus, we also examined CSA respondents’ age of victimization and relationship to perpetrator in regard to attributions of responsibility to the victim and non-perpetrating family member in the vignette. We expected to replicate previous findings that A) victims and non-perpetrating family members will be assigned greater responsibility when the perpetrator is a neighbor; and B) older victims will be ascribed greater responsibility. However, we expected that these effects would be qualified by C) a moderating effect of similarity to the victim on respondent CSA history and attributions of responsibility to the victim and non-perpetrating family member, consistent with the defensive attribution theory. Figure 1. Figure 2. Figure 3.     Variable Cluster 1 2 RSS Closeness Dysphoria PAI Antisocial Features Alcohol Problems Drug Problems Aggression 5.13 2.82 52 51 5.31 3.50 66 70 62 64 Results: The moderating effect of similarity to victim Conclusions Hypothesis C) Results revealed a significant multivariate three way interaction between similarity to victim, participant’s relationship to perpetrator, and vignette perpetrator. Post hoc tests revealed that this was significant on the mother culpability factor. The trend to designate greater responsibility to the mother when the perpetrator was a neighbor was absent among respondents with familial perpetrators and high similarity to the vignette victim (Figure 4, immediately below). Consistent with previous research, respondents assigned significantly more blame to older victims than younger victims. Further, respondents ascribed more culpability to non-perpetrating parents and to victims when the depicted perpetrator was a neighbor. Additional findings supported by the defensive attribution theory may help clarify inconsistencies within the attribution literature. Specifically, our results indicate that the association between respondent victimization features (i.e., age of victimization and relationship to perpetrator) and blame assigned to the victim and non-perpetrating parents is moderated by similarity to vignette victim. Respondents with high similarity to the victim in the vignette exhibited different patterns of attribution of responsibility to the victim and the mother in the vignette. Attributions of blame and responsibility for CSA have widespread implications, including influencing policy decisions, prevention of CSA, and victims’ propensity to disclose abuse and seek necessary treatment for myriad psychological difficulties. Analyses Hypothesis A) A 3 respondents’ relationship to perpetrator (non-victim vs. familial perpetrator vs. extrafamilial perpetrator) x 2 vignette perpetrator (father vs. neighbor) MANOVA was performed on the victim and mother culpability DVs. Hypothesis B) A 3 Respondents’ Age of Victimization (non-victim vs. 10 years and younger vs. >10 years) x 2 Victim Age (6 vs. 13 years old) MANOVA was performed on the victim and mother culpability DVs. Hypothesis C) A 2 Similarity to Victim (high vs. low) x 2 Respondents’ Relationship to Perpetrator (familial vs. extrafamilial) x 2 Vignette Perpetrator (father vs. neighbor) MANOVA was performed on the victim and mother culpability DVs. A 2 Similarity to Victim (high vs. low) x 2 Respondents’ Age of Victimization (10 and younger vs. <10 years) x 2 Vignette Victim Age (6 vs. 13 years old) MANOVA was performed on the victim and mother culpability DVs. Results also revealed a marginally significant multivariate three way interaction between similarity to the victim, participant’s age of victimization, and vignette victim age. Post hoc tests revealed that this was significant on the victim culpability factor. The trend to designate greater responsibility to the 13 year-old victim was absent among respondents victimized at an older age and high similarity to the vignette victim (Figure 5).