CANS AN INITIAL OVERVIEW

Slides:



Advertisements
Similar presentations
© Institute for Fiscal Studies Public service spending in Scotland: current patterns and future issues David Phillips (and Ben Deaner)
Advertisements

Insights from the ESRC Devolution Programme Presentation to the Commission on Scottish Devolution 30 June 2008 CHARLIE JEFFERY University of Edinburgh.
Towards a regional citizenship?: the French case CANS meeting Brussels November Romain Pasquier CNRS/Sciences-Po Rennes.
Territorial Politics The Sub-State Arena Some Issues n Centralisation and decentralisation n National unity n Self-determination n Economic restructuring.
Turnout in multi-level systems André Blais. Why is there a turnout gap between regional, national and European election? Usual assumption : first order.
Employment, unemployment and economic activity Coventry working age population by disability status Source: Annual Population Survey, Office for National.
Civic and Citizenship Education in Times of Change: Curriculum and its Implementation Some Results of the IEA Studies Civic Education in Iraq: Study Tour.
The Economic Efficiency Case for Decentralized Government.
CANS: Wales and Scotland Richard Wyn Jones Wales Governance Centre Cardiff University.
The reporting of student questionnaire data (Chapters 4&5) National Research Coordinators Meeting Madrid, February 2010.
Employment, unemployment and economic activity Coventry working age population by ethnicity Source: Annual Population Survey, Office for National Statistics.
Citizenship after the Nation-State Brussels Meeting November 2009.
Citizenship After the Nation State (CANS) The United Kingdom.
The CANS Survey in Three Spanish Regions: Preliminary Advancement of Results on Solidarity Matters Enric Martínez-Herrera RSCAS, Firenze, 15 June 2009.
Receive-Accept-Sample Model an information-processing model GV917.
Economic, Political and Social Identity in the European Union Professor John Wilton Lecture 7 European Union identity today.
Devolution in England Tony Travers LSE.
Physical activity levels in England
Taking Part 2008 Multivariate analysis December 2008
A Democratic Audit Framework
Describing Scatterplots
Effects of EU Regional Policy, and A Few Thoughts on Reform Options
Political representation and democracy
Policy paper and data evidence on migration flows
General Education Assessment
A Comparison of Two Nonprobability Samples with Probability Samples
Child well-being in the macro context
CHAPTER 6, INDEXES, SCALES, AND TYPOLOGIES
Hillingdon CCG CCG 360o stakeholder survey 2014 Summary report.
Marion Burkimsher Affiliated to the University of Lausanne
WHAT MAKES THE ADVANCED DEMOCRACIES DIFFERENT FROM OTHER COUNTRIES?
Evidence F 1 of Why would the Competition Commission get involved in a market like VOD, which is still in its formative stages? That’s the very.
Brexit means Brexit? Divided UK, Divided City
Francesc Pedró Katerina Ananiadou Seoul, 9 – 11 November 2009
Summary.
SHOULD WE EXPECT A FURTHER BATCH OF REQUESTS FOR REGIONAL DEVOLUTION ?
The EUROPEAN UNION EUROPEAN UNION.
WHO ARE THE EUROPEANS?.
Chapter 6: Voters and Voter Behavior Section 4
The role and state of the sector
Numeracy Achievement Gaps of Low- and High-Performing Adults: An Analysis Within and Across Countries David C. Miller, Ph.D. Belle Raim.
“If you want to go fast, walk alone
Results of the Organizational Performance
OECD Reviews of Migrant Education: Norway
Childhood, well-being and parenting
Statistical indicators on international student mobility Targets in balanced mobility and inbound mobility Meeting of the BFUG working-group on Mobility.
Measuring perceptions of safety climate in primary care
The EUROPEAN UNION © Brain Wrinkles.
Electoral Reform in BC …….but, why? (or why not?)
Preparing a PROFILOR® Feedback Report
Cover for Mr Lloyd’s paternity for 12 Politics
Chapter 6: Voters and Voter Behavior Section 4
“If you want to go fast, walk alone
Learner motivation and individual differences in language learning Dr Louise Courtney Professor Suzanne Graham University of Reading Siena July 2017.
WHAT MAKES THE ADVANCED DEMOCRACIES DIFFERENT FROM OTHER COUNTRIES?
Chapter 6: Voters and Voter Behavior Section 4
Annual Benchmarking Survey: Baseline Report June 2012
POL 101: U.S. Government Dr. Kevin Lasher.
Harrow CCG CCG 360o stakeholder survey 2014 Summary report.
WHAT MAKES THE ADVANCED DEMOCRACIES DIFFERENT FROM OTHER COUNTRIES?
WHO ARE THE EUROPEANS?.
Session 1 - Political Participation
NS4540 Winter Term 2018 Popular Opinion
MICE, MUSIC, & MAZES. MICE, MUSIC, & MAZES We have been running mice through mazes since we figured out they both started with M, which was quite a.
2017 Postgraduate Research Experience Survey (PRES) Results
University of Warwick, Department of Sociology, 2014/15 SO 201: SSAASS (Surveys and Statistics) (Richard Lampard) Index Construction (Week 13)
What Really Matters to Students?
THE EU LEGAL FRAMEWORK ON EMPLOYEE INVOLVEMENT
NHS DUDLEY CCG Latest survey results August 2018 publication.
POLI 101: U.S. Government Dr. Kevin Lasher.
Presentation transcript:

CANS AN INITIAL OVERVIEW CHARLIE JEFFERY University of Edinburgh CJ – ‘visual’ comparison. NB AH statistical, confirms the same picture

Regionalisation of Politics How far do citizens understand/practice a regionalised politics? Instead of nationalisation? As well as (interdependent with; autonomous of nationalised politics)? Standard questionnaire → data on 3 regions Austria, France, Germany, Spain, 2 regions UK Regions chosen for variation on identity, powers, economy Robustness of indicators across regional/national contexts?

Variables Dependent Independent How far is political participation understood/practiced at regional scales? How far is social solidarity understood/practiced at regional scales? Independent Territorial identity (within CANS) Powers of regional govt (Marks et al?) Regional economic disparities (?) Marks et al – self and shared rule Reg ec disp – real/perceived?

Identity: Attachment to Region % ‘very’ attached to region/state a) % region b) % state a) – b) Scotland 80 43 37 Wales 69 49 20 Catalonia 55 25 30 Brittany 65 16 Thuringia 57 42 15 Galicia 58 44 14 Bavaria 53 9 Alsace 60 Vienna 52 61 -9 Salzburg 64 -12 Upper Austria 51 62 -11 Lower Saxony 36 -15 Castilla la Mancha 33 -19 Ile de France 26 -27 [Similar pattern on pride in regions/state – except Germany, ‘pride’ in nation low] A-b = high id Austria-little variation; national pattern

Identity: Moreno Scale Just ‘Region’ R > S Equal S > R Just State Scotland 19 41 26 4 7 Catalonia 16 29 37 6 Wales 11 33 10 15 Upper Austria 38 22 Bavaria 9 36 Thuringia 18 44 17 Salzburg 50 Vienna 14 Galicia 25 57 Lower Saxony 34 27 Brittany 2 23 Castilla la Mancha 52 20 Alsace 1 42 Ile de France 30 12 Gold = top choice, blue second, pink third Sc Cat outliers – centre-left Wales, Brittany, Galicia, Thuringia, Salzburg – tilted left OO, Bav, Alsace – tilted right IDF, CLM, LS, Vienna outliers centre-right

Participation: Measures Relative importance of regional vs. statewide electoral process Voting; decisions of regional vs. state parliaments Standard political efficacy measures (UK) which does/which should have most influence? (Germany) which more in touch with everyday concerns?

Participation: Voting How important to vote in regional/state elections a) % ‘very’ regional b) % ‘very’ state a) – b) Scotland 65 62 3 Catalonia 52 49 Galicia 55 Alsace 43 Ile de France 51 53 -2 Salzburg 58 -4 Brittany 44 48 Thuringia 32 36 Bavaria -5 Upper Austria -9 Wales 50 60 -10 Castilla la Mancha 42 Lower Saxony 40 -11 Vienna 46 -14 [Similarly: how important are decisions of regional/state parliaments] NB – all 70%+ both levels v imp /imp – ‘multi-level citizenship’ Scotland / Cat only positive figures Thuringia outlier (east Germany?) No obvious relationship to powers, tho Scotland-Wales Vary narrow variation in ‘national’ France, widest variations multinational UK, Spain? Vienna/Lower Sax/CLM – emerging as least ‘regional’?

Participation: Efficacy % agree/agree strongly ‘regional/state govt doesn’t care about what people like me think’ a) Regional b) State a) – b) Scotland 35 49 -14 Wales 39 52 -13 Alsace 57 69 -12 Brittany 58 68 -10 Salzburg 44 -8 Upper Austria 50 -6 Catalonia 64 -5 Bavaria 59 63 -4 Thuringia 54 Ile de France 61 -3 Lower Saxony 53 56 Galicia 66 67 -1 Castilla la Mancha Vienna 47 48 [Similarly ‘people like me have no say’] Generally: people think regional govt does care more, but UK, Austria excepted all 50% + both categories Broadly national patterns Biggest regional-state variations UK and 2 * France (why these?) No obvious relationship powers/efficacy, ID or wealth

Participation: Does/Should Which level of govt does/which should have most influence? Here: % regional govt should/does a) Should b) Does a) – b) Scotland 73 38 35 Wales 70 40 30 Catalonia 79 58 21 Brittany 76 18 Salzburg 89 16 Upper Austria 82 67 15 Vienna 65 14 Alsace 75 61 Thuringia 63 13 Lower Saxony 60 Galicia 54 11 Ile de France 66 53 9 Bavaria 8 Castilla la Mancha 55 -3 [UK question] All: reg govt should have more influence than it does, EXCEPT CLM: proximity Fairly even national pattern Austria, also Germany; statewide concern? Sc/Wales outliers (though: gap has reduced significantly since devolution – bedding in process?); also: they and Catalonia (by about 2:1) clearly think nat govt should have less influence than it does; other cases modest (France) or marginal (A/Ger) perception that nat govt has too much influence; Spain wide variation in should, even assessment of does – in line with expectations on identity BTW – also asked Europe. Uniformly low, should less than does in all cases; max ‘should’ = 5.6% Alsace.\lowest 1% all 3 Austrian

Participation: ‘Concerned’ % think regional/state govt is more concerned about ‘worries and needs’ of the people a) Regional b) State a) – b) Brittany 86 7 79 Alsace Catalonia 82 5 77 Castilla la Mancha 78 8 70 Wales 13 69 Salzburg Ile de France 9 68 Scotland 81 14 67 Upper Austria 66 Galicia 72 63 Bavaria 54 Vienna 65 22 43 Lower Saxony 64 16 48 Thuringia 58 18 40 [German question] Very clear general picture, clear to overwhelming majorities, though quite wide variation from top to bottom. Little to suggest explanation. Why is France top (or French state bottom? – some Sarkozy background noise?) Germany, low and ‘national’ pattern; wider point about Bavaria – not standing out much as a place where identity matters Thuringia least confidence in regional govt – east German concern that govt at whichever level not able to look after interests

Participation: Constitution No regional goverment Fewer powers Status quo More powers Independence Salzburg 3 7 45 42 2 Upp. Austria 5 47 41 Vienna 12 51 27 Alsace 1 6 Brittany 31 52 Ile de France 35 38 Bavaria 8 29 15 Lower Sax 13 40 30 4 Thuringia 9 28 39 Castilla la Mancha 10 37 Catalonia 21 Galicia 26 Scotland 20 Wales 14 Lead choice = blue, second pink Everywhere status quo-plus, in each case ‘more’ options FAR outweigh ‘fewer’ options 6 cases status quo is plurality choice, 8 more powers, Cat only one where independence in top 2 4 with significant ‘independence’ preferences, including Bavaria (!)

Participation: In Sum Clearly a multi-level political citizenship, both-and Voting at state level generally more important (except Scotland, Catalonia) Scotland and Catalonia keenest on regional-scale participation CLM, Lower Saxony, Vienna least keen ALL except CLM think regional govt should have ‘most influence’, more in touch, more influenceable Weight of opinion clearly to the ‘more powers’ side of status quo Endorsement of more ‘proximate’ govt Not much obvious variation by identity, powers, disparities Often clearly national patterns More sophisticated analysis!

Solidarity: Measures Definition of ‘solidarity community’ – with whom do we most closely share interests, regional vs statewide community? Openness to territorial policy variation – more open, then less concerned about statewide equity? Measures of statewide/interregional solidarity

Solidarity Community How close to people in region/state as a whole? a) % ‘very’ region b) % ‘very’ state a) – b) Scotland 50 13 37 Wales 46 14 32 Catalonia 41 20 21 Galicia 35 23 12 Alsace 29 8 Brittany 33 25 Thuringia 16 4 Ile de France 38 34 Upper Austria 28 3 Salzburg 17 Bavaria 18 15 Castilla la Mancha -1 Lower Saxony Vienna -2 Big variations across states on regional ‘closeness’, but quite uniform within (Austrian, Germany, France) Scotland, Wales again – big differentiation regional vs state; Cat, Gal in next league, CLM very different

Solidarity: Policy Variation #1 Which level of govt should be responsible for the environment? % regional % state % EU Brittany 43 15 35 Galicia 41 13 Scotland 37 32 26 Wales 36 40 20 Catalonia 44 Upper Austria 31 33 Alsace 17 Salzburg Castilla la Mancha 28 Ile de France 29 21 Thuringia 30 Lower Saxony 23 34 Bavaria Vienna Average: EU›region›state; 9/14 EU highest score; 8/14 regional > state Big variations on % regional, less so % state (except French regions) and % EU Some reflection of regional identity in top 5 or so, but Bavaria – not for first time less ‘regionalist than expected)?

Solidarity: Policy Variation #1 Which level of govt should be responsible for fighting unemployment? % regional % state % EU Scotland 37 55 4 Catalonia 35 42 15 Wales 28 64 3 Upper Austria 25 56 16 Vienna 23 57 17 Salzburg 19 Galicia 48 Bavaria 21 66 9 Thuringia 18 70 8 Alsace 59 Brittany 65 11 Lower Saxony Castilla la Mancha 62 Ile de France 13 61 All majority (Cat, Gal plurality) state National patterns of variation – Austria, also Germany, France Spain, UK – variation in line with identity expectations? NB clear evidence that people distinguish different functional scales

Solidarity: Policy Variation #1 Which level of govt should be responsible for education? % regional % state % EU Scotland 65 30 3 Catalonia 64 21 10 Wales 53 42 1 Galicia 41 40 11 Bavaria 39 49 8 Lower Saxony 37 50 9 Thuringia 60 7 Alsace 24 61 Brittany 66 6 Upper Austria 23 Vienna 62 12 Castilla la Mancha 22 59 13 Salzburg 20 71 Ile de France 18 67 Wide variation, much due to ‘historic nations’ outliers; 9/14 majority for state Austria, France, Germany reflecting national patterns of debate. Bavaria for once high up, but NB this one of the few areas in which lander have exclusive legislative powers Spain notable again for variation within – Cat and CLM mirror images reg-nat VERY SIMILAR ON HEALTH

Solidarity: Policy Variation #2 Uniformity vs. matter for region to decide Unemployment benefits, student fees, old age care, juvenile offenders Generally (large) majorities for uniformity Catalonia the exception – except juvenile offenders majority for Catalan decision Scotland>Wales>Galicia>Bavaria substantial minorities for regional decision Austria uniform, very high preference for uniformity (Germany except Bavaria, France not far behind)

Solidarity: Disparities Central govt to intervene to even out regional economic disparities? All majority agree; here % disagree Bavaria 36 Upper Austria 27 Salzburg 26 Catalonia 25 Scotland Lower Saxony 20 Vienna Wales 17 Alsace 16 Thuringia 15 Ile de France 11 Galicia 10 Brittany 8 Castilla la Mancha 6 All majority yes Biggest disagreement Bav – Ger debate about FE Broad correlation ranking and intra-state disparities?

Solidarity: Interregional Rich regions transfer to poor to ensure uniformity % disagree Salzburg 52 Bavaria 45 Upper Austria 44 Vienna 29 Catalonia Lower Saxony 24 Alsace 23 Thuringia 22 Scotland 20 Wales 18 Ile de France 11 Galicia 9 Brittany 8 Castilla la Mancha 5 Range significant here 52-5 Sb, Bav (OO?) – rich, ‘payers’ (Austria overall very high – why?) Again broad (with excpetions – IDF) correlation with payer-recipient status

Solidarity: In Sum Scotland, Wales, Catalonia, Galicia (Bavaria): outliers on solidarity community, policy variation But otherwise (and general) preference for state-level competence and uniform provision Rich-poor differentiation on disparities and equalisation But: general preference for measures to ensure equity Social citizenship still, but significantly less multi-levelled

In Sum General preference for more political participation at regional scale General preference for social solidarity at statewide scale But with some indications that identity differentiates solidarity community, as does relative economic performance Main differentiation by state, national patterns Some evidence that identity works cross-nationally to regionalise (public attitudes towards) politics (UK, Spain) Preferences in contradiction! Different scales of political action allow expression of different aspects of citizenship Citizenship multi-levelled and asymmetrical?