The Crisis of apartheid in the 1980s

The Crisis of apartheid in the 1980s The 1980s was the turning point against apartheid. In the beginning of the 80s, it seemed the government had enough military power to remain in control. By mid 80s it was clear that the government was facing a crisis. There was local and international pressure against apartheid.

Government attempts to reform apartheid The government began to mix reform with repression under the total strategy policy. Government propaganda propagated that there was a communist onslaught through the ANC, etc. by USSR & CUBA. Using this cold war propaganda they used the ‘total onslaught’ to meet the threat. In 1985, a national state of emergency was declared that gave the police and army extra powers to arrest and detain people. This went hand in hand with limited reform to gain support from a growing black middle class.

The contradictions of apartheid emerge Apartheid was designed to keep black workers as providers of manual labour. But as the economy began to grow, there was more jobs available and an increased need for skilled labour. As a result there was pressure from black workers and business leaders to change its policies regarding labour. THE PASS SYSTEM BROKE DOWN: due to urbanisation pg.171. LABOUR MOVEMENTS BECAME MORE POWERFULL: 1979 committee recommended that black trade unions be legally recognised – led to instant growth pg.171.

Images of Apartheid

1982 Black authorities act After the Soweto uprising government set up local community councils to administer the townships, under control of white government officials. They hoped to satisfy demand for political power with very limited local powers. In 1982, they received more power to administer townships through the Black Local Authorities Act. Councils could now elect local residents, and were responsible for collecting rent and service payments. This made them unpopular with township residents.

The tricameral parliament

The tricameral parliament pg. 172 New constitution 1983 - tricameral parliament: was an attempt to win support of Coloured and Indian communities, but retain white control. Each house could control his own matters such as education and housing. But all matters were still controlled by the house of assembly. Africans where to be totally excluded. Government policy was that political representation for Africans was confined to the homelands and political councils.

Internal resistance to reforms The growing power of the trade unions: Workers and trade unions played a key role in the protests. At first they were more concerned with work place issues – wages and working conditions. But they also worked along community organisations organising trade boycotts. They encouraged organisations to boycott companies with poor labour practices. Or stopping ‘scab labour’ when workers went on strike. After 1983, trade unions become more widely involved in politics, many joined the United Democratic Front.

Internal resistance to reforms Trade unions also played an important role in convincing people not to vote for the tricameral parliament. In 1987, Cosatu adapted the freedom charter and aligned itself to the non- racial democratic stance of the UDF. In 1985, trade unions were increasingly more involved in protest. Cosatu launched a living wages campaign. 1 May was not a public holiday In S.A. as in rest of the world, unions called for a stay-away to recognise labour. Support for May day increased and by 1987, 2 500 000 people supported it. When the government introduced legislation against these campaigns, Cosatu and other unions launched a massive campaign against it.

Response to Botha’s reforms pg.175 The response to the Black local authorities act of 1982 and the Tricameral constitution of 1983 was far reaching They were the spark of mass protests country wide. The government failed to win the support of the moderate Coloured, Indian and Black voters. It was clear the government was trying to restructure apartheid rather than to dismantle it. The organisations opposing the elections was called the United Democratic Front. Less than 20% of Coloured and Indians bothered to vote in the 1st election, despite a vigorous campaign by the government (1984).

The reactions to Botha’s reforms were dramatic, they were uprisings called the ‘township revolt’. The protests started in the townships of the Vaal triangle – Sharpeville, Sebokeng and Boipatong. They were trigged by school and rent boycotts and soon became a mass uprising. Workers and students country wide joined in a stay-away. Rather than focus on specific issues as in the past – new political organizations called for rolling mass action. They wanted continuous and sustained resistance until the government dispelled apartheid.

The role of civic organisations in the protests Community and civic organizations were a major feature in these protests. Although they mostly focused on specific issues, they became part of the wider uprising. Often acted as pressure groups so that the government would improve facilities. At times these boycotts led to violent conflicts with the police. The civics targeted black counsellors who were seen as collaborators with the government. Many counsellors and black policemen were forced to resign or flee the townships. Many who remained suffered gruesome deaths. They where necklaced: having a tyre filled with petrol placed around the neck and set alight. As state organisations in townships broke down, civic organizations stepped in to replace it. People’s courts were formed to provide alternative systems of community action and justice.

Images

The united democratic front The UDF was a non-racial alliance which was launched in Mitchell’s Plain, Cape Town, 1983. 400 local organisations made up the UDF. Trade unions, sport organizations, women's leagues, etc. UDF based its policies on the freedom charter and was supported by the ANC in exile. Quickly grew and in 1985, it was estimated to have close to 3 000 000 members. Prominent leaders included Desmond Tutu, Allan Boesak, Albertina Sisulu and Helen Joseph.

The UDF promoted the boycott of elections, organised school boycotts and rent boycotts. A number of UDF leaders faced treason charges in a highly published trial. They were accused of plotting with the banned ANC and SACP to overthrow the state. In the first of these trails – the 16 that were accused, including Albertina Sisulu, were acquitted. In the Delmas trial, the 19 accused were initially convicted but this was later set aside. The UDF played a key role by brining together a wide variety of agents. The government Banned the UDF in 1988.

The end conscription campaign & the Black Sash Some of the smaller unions aimed at ending the conscription campaign. Conscription: all young, white men had to attend 2 years of army after leaving school, and several camps after that. As soldiers they were sent to fight in the Angolan war and to suppress uprisings in the townships. Those who refused could be sent to prison for 6 years. In 1985, they ran ‘Troops out the townships campaign’. Some ECC members went on hunger strikes to draw attention to their cause. In 1985, 1 750 draft dodgers did not pitch up – they were thought to be living in Europe. The ECC was banned in 1988.

Black Sash 1980s: the role of the Black Sash started to change. after the pass laws were banned, they focused more on housing issues and child support. A number of younger woman were influenced by some feminist ideas pg. 180.

Protests of students and church leaders pg.181 Student protests formed a large part of the liberation struggle. COSAS (Congress of South African students) organised wide spread protests. They used a slogan – Liberation before education. 1985 – reps from student, parent, teacher and community organisations met in JHB to discuss the breakdown in education. They formed the NECC (National Education Crises Committee) and used a new slogan – Education for liberation, and suspended the school boycott. They called for people’s education and developed alternative teaching materials.

Continued… Some churches also played a role – the SACC (South African Council of Churches) organised their opposition. They were against military service and called on foreign countries to refuse to apply the policy of job reservation. In 1985, they launched the ‘Kairos document’. With effective banning of many organisations in 87 and 88, the church became virtually the only legal voice for many. For the first time the Dutch Reformed Church openly condemned apartheid.

The Mass democratic movement The banned ANC called for 89 to be a year of mass action. In Feb, after a widely publicised hunger strike, many political detainees were released. In August, a broad alliance of anti-apartheid organisations was formed called the MDM. They launched a national campaign against apartheid, focusing on the end to segregation in hospitals, public transport and beaches. The success was evident when 3 000 000 workers stayed away from work on election day. The people became bolder and even displayed the ANC flag, even though it was still banned. The MDM also arranged the freedom marches in major cities. Previously, the government met such marches with harsh repression, but now took little action. By the end of 89, the stage was set for major change in S.A.

The international response to apartheid. In spite of huge internal pressures on the government, the apartheid state did not collapse. During the 1980s, international pressure increased. After Sharpeville and Soweto there was more international awareness of what was happening in S.A. The government was widely criticised by both Western nations and the UN. Protests were held in many countries. Some governments, like Sweden and the Netherlands, supported the ANC financially.

Anti-apartheid movements in Britain and Ireland The Anti-Apartheid Movement was formed in Britian in 1959 in Britain by exiles at the request of Albert Luthuli. Father Trevor Huddleston became the patron of this organisation. However, the British government did not support the AAM. In the 80s, Margret Thatcher was strictly opposed to sanctions against S.A. She wanted to protect British investments in S.A. and Britain relied on many of S.A’s scarce and valuable recourses.

Continued… She also saw a communist threat in the ANC during the cold war era. In 65, an international defence and aid fund was set up in Britain. It published material to raise awareness. In Ireland, trade unions began to demand a boycott on S.A’s goods. The Irish Apartheid Movement was set up in 64 and Kader Asmal was one of the founders. He was a law professor in Dublin and later became minister of Education.

Activities of the anti apartheid movements S.A. became increasingly isolated as a result of international anti-apartheid movements. Many protests against investment and arms sales into S.A. were held. As a result, British companies such as Barkley's was sold off in S.A. Many consumers also applied their own sanctions by refusing to buy S.A. products in shops, even though they were available. Cultural boycotts took place. Academic links were discouraged. A sport boycott was an important part of the anti-apartheid campaigns. Most sporting links to S.A. were broken in the 80s.

Disinvestment and sanctions Growing support for sanctions against S.A. Calls for sanctions by Arch bishop Tutu also encouraged it. In USA, support for sanctions was strong even though president Reagan was opposed to it. Special UN committee against apartheid played a critical role in imposing an oil embargo to SA. In 86, the US passed the comprehensive apartheid act: all new investments in SA were banned. SAA planes were not allowed to land on USA soil. Large corporations such as General Electric, IBM, General motors, COKE, Mobil and Kodak closed their operations in SA. The EU also applied limited sanctions banning the sale of gold and Kruger Rands and the importing of SA’s Coal, Iron and steel.

Still some debate on how successful it was – some say that it just strengthened the government resolve on the feeling that there was outside forces at play trying to change the government’s internal affairs. They encouraged the SA economy to become self-reliant. In other ways, they showed SA citizens that opposed apartheid that they were not standing alone. In the late 80s, the sanctions were starting to affect the SA economy and the pressure was adding up for change. The feeling of isolation was starting to affect those who supported the apartheid government.

Release the Mandela campaign 1978: Nelson Mandela was 60-years-old and imprisoned at Robben island – this was used to launch the Release Mandela Campaign. Bill Cosby launched a campaign in 87 at the UN headquarters. In this way, Mandela’s name became an international symbol for the struggle against apartheid. He was given honours such as the freedom of the city of Glasgow and streets were named after him in Britain and the Netherlands. As a result, Botha offered Mandela a release in 85, provided that he renounced violence against the South African State. Mandela rejected the conditions. It was becoming increasing clear that there would not be a solution to the crisis of apartheid with Mandela still in jail.

The role of international unions Played a major part in mobilising international anti-apartheid movement. Trade unions wanted to show solidarity with black factory and mine workers. Support for the struggle against apartheid was promoted in the 1970s and 80s. They called for boycotts on South African goods. They also raised funds for anti-apartheid struggles.

Support for the anti apartheid struggle in Africa The organization for African unity used its influence to have SA expelled from many international bodies, but many countries still continued to trade with SA. Frontline countries formed the SADCC to reduce economic dependence on south Africa. Many of the frontline states allowed the ANC and PAC to establish bases there. Both the UN and The OAU recognised the ANC as the representative of the people in SA, so much so that it had more representatives in overseas capitals than the SA government.

The Beginning of the end of apartheid 1980s: SA in state of economic recession. The standard of living decreased and poverty increased in townships as unemployment increased. By 1985, business leaders were worried about the state of the economy. They hoped that the government would introduce meaningful change. In a widely publicised speech, Botha rejected both significant change and international pressure – the Rubicon speech. The speech led to financial crisis: value dropped by 35% and loans to SA were cancelled. The reserve bank had to close for 4 days. These internal and international pressures led to the change.