Chapter 4 Race/ethnicity.

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Presentation transcript:

Chapter 4 Race/ethnicity

Race/ethnicity Q: How many different racial categories are there? A: No one knows. Q: Is race even a meaningful concept? A: As a scientific concept, it is less meaningful than most people think. As a societal concept, it is one that people have relied on for centuries, and is therefore perhaps indispensable.

Design of the study by Ickes (1984)   Race of experimenter Approach/avoidance tendency of the White dyad member Approach Avoidance Black experimenter M-M Approach dyads F-F Approach dyads M-M Avoidance dyads F-F Avoidance dyads White experimenter

  Behavioral measures Approach dyads Avoidance dyads Number of gazes Number of mutual gazes Duration of mutual gazes Duration of smiles/laughs Black dyad members White dyad members 22.2 17.2 31.5 15.4 24.7 15.2 11.7 20.8 13.0 10.9 Self-report measures Tried to avoid offending other Felt nervous or self-conscious Was influenced by other’s behavior Directed interaction Compensated for other’s lack of responsiveness 7.1 2.7 6.3 8.4   5.4 7.7 9.8 4.3 8.6 7.0 7.5 6.6

The experimenter’s race made an important difference (Ickes, 1984)   Behavioral measures Black experimenter White experimenter Approach dyads Avoidance dyads Number of gazes Number of mutual gazes Duration of mutual gazes Duration of talking Black dyad members White dyad members 26.5 19.3 37.7 85.7 112.6 12.6 8.3 16.5 81.7 59.3 17.9 15.2 25.4 83.9 79.4 15.1 25.1   76.9 104.2

Design of the study by Holloway, Waldrip, and Ickes (2009)   Gender composition Ethnicity composition Male-male B-B L-L W-W B-L B-W L-W Female-female

Comparing dyads with 0, 1, or 2 Latino members   Outcome measures 0 Latino members 1 Latino member 2 Latino members Number of speaking turns (talking) Duration of talking Number of mutual gazes Number of smiles/laughter Duration of smiles/laughter Perceived interaction quality 22.1 68.1 12.3 6.3 19.0 5.7 39.5 116.1 26.4 10.5 40.2 7.2 39.8 115.5 21.3 10.1 33.7 7.3

There is considerable evidence that many Latin American cultures emphasize harmony, social acceptance, and social support as cultural ideals. Indeed, cross-cultural psychologists have argued that these ideals are central to the concept of simpatía or simpático. According to Sanchez-Burks, Nisbett, and Ibarra (2000, p. 175), simpático is “a highly valued relational style” that is based on “the search for social harmony.” It emphasizes “expressive displays of personal charm, graciousness, and hospitality . . .” Individuals who are simpático “proactively attempt to create a highly personable atmosphere as an end in itself . . . Other associated constructs found in Latino culture include personalismo and familismo (Fuentes, Baron, and Vasquez, 2003)   We assume, as previous writers have, that the interrelated cultural values of simpático, personalismo, and familismo are acquired through a socialization process that begins in the family and is further elaborated and reinforced by teachers, peers, and other socializing agents, including the media. By enacting the cultural scripts that are associated with these values, Latino individuals should be more likely to enjoy pleasant, mutually rewarding interactions and to have positive perceptions of their interaction partners (Gloria, 1999; Triandis et al., 1984). By the time they are young adults, these effects should be evident even in their initial interactions with strangers. (Holloway, Waldrip, and Ickes, 2008)

Who Am I? I am:

The Latino health advantage [There is] evidence that Latino individuals have a health advantage over Blacks and Whites, despite many socioeconomic disadvantages. For example, although Latinos are more likely to be uninsured, obese, and less educated, their health appears to be better in many respects then that of other ethnic groups.   Latinos are less likely to have breast and lung cancer (Magaña and Noreen, 1995). They also suffer less from heart disease and diabetes, even though there is a higher rate of obesity for their group (Marini, 2002). Moreover, in apparent defiance of the finding that lower socioeconomic status is generally linked with higher rates of mortality (Adler, Boyce, and Chesney, 1994), Latinos exhibit significantly lower death rates on six of the top ten causes of death in the United States—and they live longer too. Complementing these results are other findings indicating that Latinos can cope more effectively with high-stress prison environments (McCain, McCain, and Huang, 1983; Paulus, 1988). (Holloway, Waldrip, and Ickes, 2008)

Latinos as social role models . . . perhaps a closer examination would reveal that Latinos, with their friendly and accommodating interaction style, are particularly effective agents in promoting this kind of social change. On the other hand, I wouldn’t want Latinos to feel that this responsibility is primarily theirs. It’s asking way too much to expect them to “bring everyone together” and dissolve all racial tensions. It’s enough that that many Latinos already model the qualities of graciousness, hospitality, tolerance, and acceptance that can potentially inspire the rest of us to learn from their example.