Nasal place of articulation

Not-nasal place of articulation 2

English Noses 3

English Nasals What is distribution of [n] and [m]? ‘seem’, ‘seen’ ‘meat,’ ‘neat’ 4

English Nasals What is distribution of [n] and [m]? ‘seem’, ‘seen’ ‘meat,’ ‘neat’ ‘announce,’ ‘amounts’ 5

English Nasals What is distribution of [n] and [m]? ‘seem’, ‘seen’ ‘meat,’ ‘neat’ ‘announce,’ ‘amounts’ They appear in the same context They form minimal pairs 6

English Nasals What is distribution of [n] and [m]? ‘seem’, ‘seen’ ‘meat,’ ‘neat’ ‘announce,’ ‘amounts’ They appear in the same context They form minimal pairs They belong to different phonemes 7

English Nasals What is distribution of [n] and [ŋ]? ‘neat’ ’*[ŋ]eat’ ‘announce, ‘*a[ŋ]ounce’ Do any words begin with [ŋ]? 8

English Nasals What is distribution of [n] and [ŋ]? ‘neat’ ’*[ŋ]eat’ ‘announce, ‘*a[ŋ]ounce’ Do any words begin with [ŋ]? They never occur in same place so they are allophones of same phoneme Are you sure? 9

English Nasals Minimal pairs with [ŋ] and [n] word internally? wie[n]er, wi[ŋ]er 10

English Nasals Minimal pairs with [ŋ] and [n] word finally? 11

English Nasals Minimal pairs with [ŋ] and [n] word finally? feig[n], fa[ŋ]g 12

English Nasals Minimal pairs with [ŋ] and [n] word initially? 13

English Nasals Minimal pairs with [ŋ] and [n] word initially? No 14

English Nasals Minimal pairs with [ŋ] and [n] word initially? No Why not? Historical reason All cases of [ŋ] come from /ng/ > [ŋ] 15

English Nasals Historical /ng/ > [ŋ] fi[ng]er si[ng] Nasal assim. fi[ŋg]er si[ŋg] [g] deletion after [ŋ] fi[ŋg]er si[ŋ] 16

English Nasals Historical /ng/ > [ŋ] fi[ng]er si[ng] Nasal assim. fi[ŋg]er si[ŋg] [g] deletion after [ŋ] fi[ŋg]er si[ŋ] English never had ng- at beginning of words 17

English Nasals Tend to be homorganic (same place of art.) bli[nd] bli[mp] ta[ŋk] 18

English Nasals Tend to be homorganic (same place of art.) bli[nd] bli[mp] ta[ŋk] mu[ɲʧ] Even across word boundaries 19

English Nasals Tend to be homorganic (same place of art.) bli[nd] bli[mp] ta[ŋk] mu[ɲʧ] Even across word boundaries gree[ɲ ʃ]ores of Ireland 20

English Nasals Tend to be homorganic (same place of art.) bli[nd] bli[mp] ta[ŋk] mu[ɲʧ] Even across word boundaries gree[ɲ ʃ]ores of Ireland fa[m b]oy i[ɱ f]ront of me 21

English Nasals Exception to homorganicity are -s and -ed suffixed fla[md] *fla[nd] lo[ŋd] *lo[nd] 22

English Nasals Exception to homorganicity are -s and -ed suffixed fla[md] *fla[nd] lo[ŋd] *lo[nd] la[mz] *la[nz] fli[ŋz] *fli[nz] 23

Spanish Nasals Spanish has /ŋ, m, n/ Ñapa-tip Mapa-map Napa-leather 24

Spanish Nasals Is this a minimal pair (triplet)? co[m] papas with potatoes co[n] Lucas with Luke co[ŋ] ganas with desires 25

Spanish Nasals Is this a minimal pair (triplet)? co[m] papas with potatoes co[n] Lucas with Luke co[ŋ] ganas with desires No, so [ŋ, m, n] are allophones of the same phoneme 26

Spanish Nasals Is this a minimal pair (triplet)? co[m] papas with potatoes co[n] Lucas with Luke co[ŋ] ganas with desires No, so [ŋ, m, n] are allophones of the same phoneme But, Ñapa, Mapa, Napa says they belong to different phonemes? 27

Spanish Nasals Is this a minimal pair (triplet)? co[m] papas with potatoes co[n] Lucas with Luke co[ŋ] ganas with desires No, so [ŋ, m, n] are allophones of the same phoneme But, Ñapa, Mapa, Napa says they belong to different phonemes? WTH? 28

Spanish Nasals Phonetic overlap 29

Spanish Nasals Phonetic overlap Neutralization: normally contrasting phones lose contrast in certain environment (before C in Spanish) 30

Engma in English [ŋ] comes from /nk, ng/ historically Fi[ng]er si[ng] Nasal assim. fi[ŋg]er si[ŋg] [g] deletion after [ŋ] fi[ŋg]er si[ŋ] 31

Engma in English In Modern English [ŋ] is sometimes an assimilated /n/ and others not /ng/ > [ŋg] then [g] deletes word-finally lo[ŋ] lo[ŋg]er lo[ŋg]est stro[ŋ] stro[ŋg]er stro[ŋg]est 32

Engma in English In Modern English [ŋ] is sometimes an assimilated /n/ and others not [ŋg] can’t come from /ng/ si[ŋ] si[ŋ]er si[ŋ]ing prolo[ŋ] prolo[ŋ]ing But, prolo[ŋg]ation 33

CV phonology In CV phonology each phone has all its features associated to it Another feature is [place of articulation] 34

CV phonology In CV phonology each phone has all its features associated to it Another feature is [place of articulation] What does this formalism say in prose? 35

CV phonology In CV phonology each phone has all its features associated to it Another feature is [place of articulation] What does this formalism say in prose? A nasal consonant adopts the place of articulation of following consonant 36

Seri article What is process? 37

Seri article What is process? What phonemes does article contain? 38

Seri article What is process? What phonemes does article contain? /kom/ Why? 39

Seri article What is process? What phonemes does article contain? /kom/ Why? What is problem with this? 40

Seri article What is process? What phonemes does article contain? /kom/ Why? What is problem with this? Assim. Only applies to article 41

Albanian Do a Y diagram of nasals What are nasal phonemes and allophones? 42

Albanian Do a Y diagram of nasals What are nasal phonemes and allophones? Process? CV rep.? 43

Albanian Do a Y diagram of nasals What are nasal phonemes and allophones? Process? CV rep.? 44

Chumburung Dist. Of [m] vs. [n]? Dist. Of [n] vs. [ɲ]? 45

Chumburung Dist. Of [m] vs. [n]? Dist. Of [n] vs. [ɲ]? [ɲ, m, n] are contrastive /m, n, ɲ/ 46

Chumburung Dist. Of [n] vs. [ŋ]? 47

Chumburung Dist. Of [n] vs. [ŋ]? [ŋ] appears before [k] [ŋ] appears word-finally 48

Chumburung Dist. Of [n] vs. [ŋ]? [ŋ] appears before [k] [ŋ] appears word-finally [n] intervocalic [n] word-initial [n] before [t, d] 49

Chumburung Dist. Of [n] vs. [ŋ]? [ŋ] appears before [k] [ŋ] appears word-finally [n] intervocalic [n] word-initial [n] before [t, d] So . . .? 50

Chumburung [n] and [ŋ] are allophones of same phoneme 51

Chumburung [n] and [ŋ] are allophones of same phoneme Which phone appears in more cases? [n] so we assume phoneme /n/ 52

Chumburung [n] and [ŋ] are allophones of same phoneme Which phone appears in more cases? [n] so we assume phoneme /n/ What is distribution? /n/ is [ŋ] before [k] and word-finally /n/ is [n] elsewhere 53

Chumburung What is phonemic representation of [ləŋ] [konto] [aŋko] 54

Chumburung What is phonemic representation of [ləŋ] /lən/ [konto] /konto/ [aŋko] /anko/ 55