Patricia Hill Collins: “The Politics of Black Feminist Thought” 1990

Patricia Hill Collins

Mary Stewart - 1803-1879

1891-1960

Alice Walker – 1944

In 1831 Mary W. Stewart asked, "How long shall the fair daughters of Africa be compelled to bury their minds and talents beneath a load of iron pots and kettles?" Orphaned at age five, bound out to a clergyman's family as a domestic servant, Stewart struggled to gather isolated fragments of an education when and where she could. As the first American woman to lecture in public on political issues and to leave copies of her texts, this early Black woman intellectual foreshadowed a variety of themes taken up by her Black feminist successors.

Maria Stewart challenged African-American women to reject the nega­tive images of Black womanhood so prominent in her times, pointing out that racial and sexual oppression were the fundamental causes of Black women's poverty. In an 1833 speech she proclaimed, "like King Solomon, who put neither nail nor hammer to the temple, yet received the praise; so also have the white Americans gained themselves a name . . . while in reality we have been their principal foundation and support.“ Stewart objected to the injustice of this situation: "We have pursued the shadow, they have obtained the substance: we have performed the labor, they have received the profits; we have planted the vines, they have eaten the fruits of them".

Maria Stewart was not content to point out the source of Black women's oppression. She urged Black women to forge self-definitions of self-reliance and independence. In spite of this suppression, African-American women have managed to do intellectual work, to have our ideas matter. Anna Julia Cooper, Sojourner Truth, Mary McLeod Behune, Toni Morrison, Barbara Smith, Ida B. Wells, Alice Walker, and countless others have consistently struggled to make themselves heard and have used their voices to raise essential issues affect­ing Black women. Like the work of Maria W. Stewart, Black women's intellectual work has fostered Black women's resistance and activism.

The Suppression of Black Feminist Thought Black women's oppression has been structured along three interdepend­ent dimensions: First, the exploitation of Black women's labor—the "iron pots and kettles" symbolizing Black women's long-standing ghettoization in service occupations—represents the economic dimension of oppres­sion Survival for most African-American women has been such an all-consuming activity that most have had few opportu-nities to do intellectual work as it has been traditionally defined.

The drudgery of enslaved African-American women's work and the grinding poverty of "free" wage labor in the rural South tellingly illustrate the high costs Black women have paid for survival. The millions of impoverished African-American women currently ghettoized in inner cities demonstrate the continuation of these earlier forms of Black women's economic exploitation. Second, the political dimension of oppression has denied African-American women the rights and privileges routinely extended to white male citizens.

Forbidding Black women to vote, excluding African-Americans and women from public office, and withholding equitable treatment in the criminal justice system all substantiate the political subordination of Black women. Educational institutions have also fostered this pattern of disenfranchisement. Past practices such as denying literacy to slaves and relegating Black women to underfunded, segregated Southern schools worked to ensure that a quality education for Black women remained the exception rather than the rule.

The large numbers of young Black women in inner cities and impoverished rural areas who continue to leave school before attaining full literacy represent the continued efficacy of the political dimension of Black women's oppression. Third, Finally, the controlling images of Black women that originated dur­ing the slave era attest to the ideological dimension of Black women's oppression (King 1973; D. White 1985; Carby 1987). Ideology represents the process by which certain assumed qualities are attached to Black women and how those qualities are used to justify oppression.

From the mammies, Jezebels, and breeder women of slavery to the smiling Aunt Jemimas on pancake mix boxes, ubiquitous Black prostitutes, and ever-present welfare mothers of contemporary popular culture, the nexus of negative stereotypical images applied to African-American women has been fundamental to Black women's oppression. This historical suppression of Black women's ideas has had a pronounced influence on feminist theory. Theories advanced as being universally applicable to women as a group on closer examination appear greatly limited by the white, middle-class origins of their proponents.  

The absence of Black feminist ideas from these and other studies, places them in a much more tenuous position to challenge the hegemony of mainstream scholarship on behalf of all women. Even though Black women intellectuals have asserted their right to speak both as African-Americans and as women, historically these women have not held top leadership positions in Black organizations. Black feminist activist Pauli Murray (1970) found that from its founding in 1916 to 1970, the Journal of Negro History published only five articles devoted exclusively to Black women.  

The shape of activism For African-American women, the knowledge gained at the intersection of race, gender, and class oppression provides the stimulus for crafting and passing on the subjugated knowledge of a Black women's culture of resistance. The exclusion of Black women's ideas from mainstream academic dis­course and the curious placement of African-American women intellectuals in both feminist and Black social and political thought has meant that Black women intellectuals have remained outsiders within in all three commu­nities.

The assumptions on which full group membership are based—whiteness for feminist thought, maleness for Black social and political thought, and the combination for mainstream scholarship—all negate a Black female reality. Prevented from becoming full insiders in any of these areas of inquiry, Black women remain outsiders within, individuals whose marginality provides a distinctive angle of vision on the theories put forth by such intellectual communities.   Alice Walker's work exemplifies both of these fundamental influences on the Black women's intellectual tradition.

Walker describes the impact that an outsider-within stance had on her own thinking: "I believe . . . that it was from this period—from my solitary, lonely position, the position of an outcast—that I began really to see people and things, really to notice relationships". (Walker 1983, 244). Walker realizes that "the gift of loneliness is sometimes a radical vision of society or one's people that has not previously been taken into account" (p. 264). And yet marginality is not the only influence on her work. By reclaiming the works of Zora Neale Hurston and in other ways placing Black women's experiences and culture at the center of her work, she draws on the alternative Afrocentric feminist worldview extant in Black women's culture.  

Reclaiming the Black Feminist Intellectual Tradition Reclaiming this tradition involves discovering, reinterpreting, and, in many cases, analyzing for the first time the works of Black women intel­lectuals who were so extraordinary that they did manage to have their ideas preserved through the mechanisms of mainstream scholarly discourse.

In some cases this process involves locating unrecognized and unheralded works, scattered and long out of print. Marilyn Richardson's (1987) pains­taking editing of the writings and speeches of Maria Stewart, Gloria Hull's (1984) careful compilation of the journals of Black feminist intellectual Alice Dunbar-Nelson, and Mary Helen Washington's (1975, 1980, 1987) collections of Black women's writings typify this process. Similarly, Alice Walker's (1979) efforts to have Zora Neale Hurston's unmarked grave recognized parallel her intellectual quest to honor Hurston's important contributions to the Black feminist literary tradition. 

Reinterpreting existing works through new theoretical frameworks is another component of this process of reclaiming the Black feminist intellectual tradition. Mary Helen Washington's (1987) reassessment of anger and voice in Maud Martha, a much-neglected work by novelist and poet Gwendolyn Brooks, Hazel Carby's (1987) use of the lens of race, class, and gender to reinterpret the works of nineteenth-century Black women novelists, and Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham's (1989) analysis of the emerging concepts and paradigms in Black women's history all exemplify this process of reinterpreting the works of African-American women intellectuals through new theoretical frameworks.

Reclaiming the Black feminist intellectual tradition also involves search­ing for its expression in alternative institutional locations and among women who are not commonly perceived as intellectuals. Denied formal education, nineteenth-century Black feminist activist Sojourner Truth is not typically seen as an intellectual. Yet her 1851 speech at an Akron, Ohio, women's rights convention provides an incisive analysis of the definitions of the term woman forwarded in the mid-1800s:

That man over there says women need to be helped into carriages, and lifted over ditches, and to have the best place everywhere. Nobody ever helps me into carriages, or over mud-puddles, or gives me any best place! And ain't I a woman? Look at me! Look at my arm! I have ploughed, and planted, and gathered into barns, and no man could head me! And ain't I a woman? I could work as much and eat as much as a man—when I could get it—and bear the lash as well! And ain't I a woman? I have borne thirteen children, and seen them most all sold off to slavery, and when I cried out with my mother's grief, none but Jesus heard me! And ain't I a woman? (Loewenberg and Bogin 1976, 235)

Reclaiming the Black feminist intellectual tradition involves much more than developing Black feminist analyses using standard epistemological criteria. It also involves challenging the very definitions of intellectual discourse. End