1 11 th International Pragmatics Conference Melbourne, July 2009 Default Meanings, Salient Meanings, and Automatic Enrichment Kasia M. Jaszczolt University of Cambridge, U. K.

2 Panel Salient Meanings Kasia Jaszczolt and Keith Allan Programme Session 1 Kasia Jaszczolt (Cambridge) Introduction: Default meanings, salient meanings, and automatic enrichment Rachel Giora et al. (Tel Aviv) ‘Salient and nonsalient meanings in context: Interpreting metaphors and literals by adults diagnosed with Asperger’s syndrome’ Eleni Kapogianni (Cambridge) ‘Graded salience effects on irony production and interpretation’

3 Session 2 Keith Allan (Monash) ‘Graded salience: Probabilistic meanings in the lexicon’ Jiranthara Srioutai (Chulalongkorn, Bangkok) ‘Semantic representation of expressions with past-time reference: Evidence from English-Thai and Thai-English translation’ Michael Haugh (Griffith) ‘Intention(ality), action, and default implicatures’

4 Defaults ‘…it is apparent that some implicatures are induced only in a special context (…), while others go through unless a special context is present (…).’ Horn (2004: 4-5)

5 Propositional defaults (default interpretations of utterances) e. g. Grice’s GCIs 1975 Grice’s GCIs 1975 Rhetorical structure rules of Segmented Discourse Representation Theory (SDRT, Asher and Lascarides, e.g. 2003) Rhetorical structure rules of Segmented Discourse Representation Theory (SDRT, Asher and Lascarides, e.g. 2003) Constraints of Optimality Theory Pragmatics (e.g. Blutner 2000; Blutner and Zeevat 2004) Constraints of Optimality Theory Pragmatics (e.g. Blutner 2000; Blutner and Zeevat 2004) Automatic, subdoxastic enrichment of Recanati’s truth- conditional pragmatics (2002, 2003, 2004) Automatic, subdoxastic enrichment of Recanati’s truth- conditional pragmatics (2002, 2003, 2004) Cognitive defaults, social, cultural and world knowledge defaults of Default Semantics (Jaszczolt 2005, 2009a, b; Srioutai 2004, 2006) Cognitive defaults, social, cultural and world knowledge defaults of Default Semantics (Jaszczolt 2005, 2009a, b; Srioutai 2004, 2006)

6 Defaults: A mixed bag? (1) Some ( → d not all) of her lectures are inspiring. (2) The coffee spoon ( → d spoon used for stirring coffee) is dirty. (3) The coffee is warm. ( → d not hot) (4) Alex enjoyed ( → d reading) the book. (5) You are digging your own grave. ( → d causing harm to yourself) (6) Everybody ( → d invited) is coming to the party. (7) The temperature fell below 0 degrees Celsius and ( → d as a result) the rails contracted.

7 Sub-propositional defaults Levinson’s (2000) presumptive meanings (GCIs) Levinson’s (2000) presumptive meanings (GCIs) (8) bread knife → d knife used for cutting bread (9) kitchen knife → d knife used for preparing food, e.g. chopping (10) steel knife → d knife made of steel (11) a secretary → d a female one (12) a road → d hard-surfaced one (13) I don’t like [garlic]. → d I dislike [garlic].

8 ‘…hypotheses about meaning are entertained incrementally – as the words come in, as it were.’ Levinson (2000: 5) some → d ? a nanny → d ?

9 Defaults in the lexicon: Nonmonotonic reasoning in processing of the lexicon Default inheritance, defeasible logical form (Asher and Lascarides 1995, Lascarides and Copestake 1998) Default inheritance, defeasible logical form (Asher and Lascarides 1995, Lascarides and Copestake 1998) Abductive inference in the lexicon (Pustejovsky 1995) Abductive inference in the lexicon (Pustejovsky 1995) Graded Salience Hypothesis (Giora 2003) Graded Salience Hypothesis (Giora 2003) Formulae for nonmonotonic (probabilistic) inference (Allan 2009) Formulae for nonmonotonic (probabilistic) inference (Allan 2009)

10 Graded Salience Hypothesis (Giora 2003) Graded Salience Hypothesis (Giora 2003) ‘[M]ore salient meanings – coded meanings foremost on our mind due to conventionality, frequency, familiarity, or prototypicality – are accessed faster than and reach sufficient levels of activation before less salient ones. According to the graded salience hypothesis, then, coded meanings would be accessed upon encounter, regardless of contextual information or authorial intent.’ Giora (2003: 10)

11 Monotonic and nonmonotonic inference in the lexicon (14)Harry prefers lamb to goat. (15)Jacqueline prefers leopard to fox. Uncountable animal  product-of +> meat-of +> pelt-of (adapted from Allan 2009: 9)

12 Localism/globalism debate ? Defaults pertain to entire propositions/ sentences/events/situations of discourse ? Defaults pertain to words or phrases

13 (14) It isn’t likely that the match will be cancelled: it’s certain. Geurts (2009: 59) (15) If the chair sometimes comes to the department meetings that is not enough; he should come always. Geurts (2009: 60), after Levinson (2000: 205)

14 Default base (16) John’s book is good.’ ? +> the one he read, wrote, borrowed… Levinson (2000: 37) vs. ‘Chomsky’s book is about grammar.’

15 Pragmatic inference and defaults should be construed as operating on a unit that is adequate for the case at hand, ranging from a morpheme to the entire discourse.

16 ? ‘…although localism and defaultism aren’t wedded to each other, there is a natural affinity between the two.’ ? ‘…defaultism is a lost cause.’ Geurts (2009: 59)  what is ‘defaultism’?

17 Default reasoning reflects salience, common sense, and probability.

18 Automatic interpretations? ‘…default reasoning is reasoning that contains at least one defeasible step, and what that is can be described intuitively as follows. When you take such a step you do not think, ‘Everything is OK, so I’ll take this step’. Rather, you just take it unless you think something might not be OK.’ Bach (1984: 40).

19 Defaults and nonmonotonic reasoning in logic and computational linguistics From Humboldt, Jespersen and Cassirer From Humboldt, Jespersen and Cassirer Reiter’s (1980) default logic : Reiter’s (1980) default logic :A:B C C can be concluded if A has been concluded and B can be assumed (and not B cannot be proven)

20 Salience and defaults ? Salient meanings: contextually triggered, unlike default meanings

21 Salience and defaults Salient meanings: contextually triggered, unlike default meanings. ‘The criterion or threshold a meaning has to reach to be considered salient is related only to its accessibility in memory due to such factors as frequency of use or experiential familiarity.’ ‘The criterion or threshold a meaning has to reach to be considered salient is related only to its accessibility in memory due to such factors as frequency of use or experiential familiarity.’ Giora (2003: 33)

22 Towards a definition of defaults: ? Default interpretations are more frequent, common interpretations. (14) Kate and Leonardo acted superbly in Revolutionary Road.

23 ? Default interpretations are interpretations that arise automatically, subdoxastically.

24 Processing of scalar terms by children and adults: ‘These developmental findings do not favour one account over another because both could explain it. From the Default perspective, it could be claimed that scalar inferences become automatic with age and that our results are simply revealing how such inference- making matures. In contrast, Relevance Theory would suggest that children and adults use the same comprehension mechanisms but that greater cognitive resources are available for adults, which in turn encourages them to draw out more pragmatic inferences.’ Noveck (2004: 307).

25 Default Semantics (Jaszczolt 2005, 2009a, b): Default interpretations are automatically produced interpretations. They are defaults for the context and for the speaker. Cf: ‘What is foremost on one’s mind need not necessarily be foremost on another’s.’ Giora (2003: 37)

26 ? Defaults are predictable from directionality of communicative acts (emergent intentionality, Haugh 2008)

27 Default Semantics (Jaszczolt 2009a,b)  Methodological globalism Until the exact length of the unit that gives rise to automatic interpretation is experimentally identified, it makes sense to adopt a methodological move that these interpretations are post-propositional.  Automatic components in the construction of primary meanings Main meaning intended by the Model Speaker and recovered by the Model Addressee is construed with the help of cognitive defaults (CD) and social, cultural and world-knowledge defaults (SCWD).

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29 Giora, R On Our Mind: Salience, Context, and Figurative Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Giora, R On Our Mind: Salience, Context, and Figurative Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Haugh, M ‘The place of intention in the interactional achievement of implicature’. In: I. Kecskes and J. Mey (eds). Intention, Common Ground and the Egocentric Speaker-Hearer. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter Haugh, M ‘The place of intention in the interactional achievement of implicature’. In: I. Kecskes and J. Mey (eds). Intention, Common Ground and the Egocentric Speaker-Hearer. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter Horn, L. R ‘Implicature’. In: L. R. Horn and G. Ward (eds). The Handbook of Pragmatics. Oxford: Blackwell Horn, L. R ‘Implicature’. In: L. R. Horn and G. Ward (eds). The Handbook of Pragmatics. Oxford: Blackwell Jaszczolt, K. M Default Semantics: Foundations of a Compositional Jaszczolt, K. M Default Semantics: Foundations of a Compositional Theory of Acts of Communication. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jaszczolt, K. M ‘Defaults in semantics and pragmatics’. In: E. N. Zalta (ed.). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Jaszczolt, K. M ‘Defaults in semantics and pragmatics’. In: E. N. Zalta (ed.). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Jaszczolt, K. M ‘Variadic function and pragmatics-rich representations of belief reports’. Journal of Pragmatics Jaszczolt, K. M ‘Variadic function and pragmatics-rich representations of belief reports’. Journal of Pragmatics Jaszczolt, K. M. 2009a. Representing Time: An Essay on Temporality as Modality. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jaszczolt, K. M. 2009a. Representing Time: An Essay on Temporality as Modality. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jaszczolt, K. M. 2009b. ‘Default Semantics’. In: B. Heine and H. Narrog (eds). The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Analysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press Jaszczolt, K. M. 2009b. ‘Default Semantics’. In: B. Heine and H. Narrog (eds). The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Analysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press Jaszczolt, K. M ‘Psychological explanations in Gricean pragmatics and Frege’s legacy.’ In: I. Kecskes and J. Mey (eds). Intention, Common Ground and the Egocentric Speaker-Hearer. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter Jaszczolt, K. M ‘Psychological explanations in Gricean pragmatics and Frege’s legacy.’ In: I. Kecskes and J. Mey (eds). Intention, Common Ground and the Egocentric Speaker-Hearer. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter

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