Nuclear Accent Shape and the Perception of Prominence Rachael-Anne Knight Prosody and Pragmatics 15 th November 2003
Outline The perception of pitch Plateaux and contour shape Pitch and prominence The effect of shape on prominence perception Sound symbolism Conclusions
The Perception of Pitch - F0 The perception of the pitch of a complex sound is related to the fundamental frequency Sounds that have a higher fundamental frequency sound higher in pitch
The Perception of Pitch – Syllable Position In an utterance the position of a syllable also affects the perception of pitch If two syllables have identical F0, the one later in the utterance will sound higher in pitch Frequency Time Explained as the listener ‘normalising for declination’
Contour Shape Real contours are not stylised peaks and troughs The majority of falling nuclear accents are realised as more of a flat stretch of contour Peak Plateau
Definition of the Plateau Plateaux are defined as being 4% down from any absolute peak in F0 4% is the range of perceptual equality Peak 4% range Plateau
Segmental and Prosodic Effects on the Production of the Plateau Plateaux: Begin earlier in syllables with sonorant onsets Take up more of syllables that have sonorant onsets and codas Are aligned later in the syllable in polysyllabic than monosyllabic feet
The End of the Plateau Some speakers align the end of the plateau earlier in the syllable before a word boundary The end of the plateau is stably aligned within the syllable regardless of pitch span More errors made with incorrect EP alignment in a true/false judgment task The end of the plateau seems to be the real target (rather than the peak) (Knight 2002)
The Function of the Plateau What is the plateau for? Why do speakers produce plateaux in nuclear position? No physiological reason that requires them to produce a plateaux Perhaps the plateau affects the perception of the pitch (and the prominence) of the nuclear syllable
Pilot Experiment* Subjects heard pairs of sentences where nuclear accent differs only in shape (peak vs. plateau) not frequency Knight (2003)
Pilot Experiment* Subjects heard pairs of sentences where nuclear accent differs only in shape (peak vs. plateau) not frequency Asked in which version accent sounds higher 73% of responses favoured plateau stimuli Knight (2003)
Pitch and Prominence “Linguistically, the size of … F0 excursions … correlate with the prominence of the accent” Gussenhoven and Rietveld (1985:299) BUT… “Perceived prominence is related in a complex way to the range of F0 values employed” Terken (1990:1768)
Prominence Experiment Hypothesis Subjects will accept an accent as the most prominent at a lower frequency when there is a plateau (rather than a peak) in the contour Equal Pitch Equal Pitch
Prominence Experiment – Stimuli Test sentence “Anna came with Manny” Resynthesised nuclear accent (14 versions) Frequency: 160, 170, 180, 190, 200, 210, 220 Hz Shape: peak or 100ms plateau 2 tokens of each version quasi-randomised together
Examples of different contours AnnaManny
Prominence Experiment – Procedure 24 subjects listened to each version over headphones 12 asked “Is ‘Anna’ or ‘Manny’ higher in pitch?” 12 asked “Is ‘Anna’ or ‘Manny’ more prominent?” Responded by pressing buttons marked A and M on a keyboard 220 Hz. Plateau 220 Hz. Peak
Prominence Experiment- Statistics Probit analysis To identify the cross-over point for each series for each subject (where ‘Anna’ and ‘Manny’ are of equal prominence / pitch) Paired Sample T-Test To see if the cross-over point occurs at a lower frequency in the plateau series
Prominence Experiment – Height Results The cross-over point occurs at 190 Hz for the plateau series and Hz for the peak series This difference is significant (p=0.000)
Prominence Experiment – Prominence Results The cross-over point occurs at Hz for the plateau series and Hz for the peak series This difference is significant (p=0.000)
Experiment Conclusions The shape of the pitch contour does affect judgements of height and prominence Perceived pitch is a close correlate of prominence The function of the plateau may be to add to the prominence of the nuclear syllable
Sound Symbolism The frequency code smaller larynx = higher pitch Deference, politeness > interrogativity The production code higher subglottal pressure = higher pitch Higher accents at beginnings > initiality The effort code more effort = higher pitch Larger excursions > emphasis / prominence
Substitute variables* The physiological mechanism behind each code do not have to be created Only the perceptual effect has to be created For example, late peaks can be substituted for high peaks as they create the same perceptual effect Gussenhoven (2002)
Delayed peaks as substitute variable for pitch height Production code (Wichmann et al. 1999) Peaks are later in more initial accents Effort code (Ladd and Morton 1997) Peaks are later in more emphatic accents Stimuli with later accents sound more emphatic Frequency code (Gussenhoven and Chen 2000) Peaks are later in questions in many languages Stimuli with accents timed later sound more like questions
Plateaux as substitute variables Plateaux occur in the same environments as peak delay: In paragraph initial position (Wichmann et al. 1999) o Production code In questions in Neapolitan Italian (D’Imperio 2002) o Frequency code
The nuclear plateau as a substitute variable As the nuclear plateau’s effect is to increase perceived height and prominence… …it may be a substitute variable for increased peak height taking advantage of the effort code Allowing speaker to increase the prominence of the nucleus counteracting the effect of declination
Conclusions The plateau is a substitute variable for peak height Nuclear plateaux increase the perception of pitch height and prominence of the nucleus Plateau allows the speaker to create this effect without having to step outside the physiologically determined slope of declination
References D’Imperio, M (2002) “Language specific and universal constraints on tonal alignment: The nature of targets and “anchors”, in Bel, B, and I. Marlien (eds.) Proceedings of the Speech Prosody 2002 conference, Aix-en-Provence, Gussenhoven, C. (2002) “Intonation and interpretation: Phonetics and phonology in Bel, B, and I. Marlien (eds.) Proceedings of the Speech Prosody 2002 conference, Aix-en- Provence, Gussenhoven, C. and T. Rietveld, (1995) “ On the relation between pitch excursion size and prominence”, Journal of Phonetics, 13, Gussenhoven, C. and A. Chen, (2000) “Universal and language specific effects in the perception of question intonation” Proc ICSLP, 6, Knight (2002) “The influence of pitch span on intonational plateaux” in B. Bel and I. Marlien (eds.) Proceedings of the Speech Prosody 2002 conference, Aix-en-Provence, Knight (2003) “Nuclear accent shape and the perception of syllable pitch”, Paper presented at LAGB, 16 April 2003 Ladd, D. and R. Morton, (1997) “The perception of intonational emphasis: continuous or categorical?” Journal of Phonetics, 25, Terken, J. (1999) “Fundamental frequency and perceived prominence of accented syllables” JASA, 89, 4, Wichmann, A, J. House and T. Rietveld (1999) “Discourse constraints on peak timing in English: Experimental evidence” Proc. XIVth ICPhS