Lecture 3 The Vowels of English The Timing Tier. Cardinals and Natural Languages Daniel Jones developed an inventory of cardinal vowels. Daniel Jones.

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Lecture 3 The Vowels of English The Timing Tier

Cardinals and Natural Languages Daniel Jones developed an inventory of cardinal vowels. Daniel Jones developed an inventory of cardinal vowels. They constitute a set of reference points to aid with the description of vowels in natural languages. They constitute a set of reference points to aid with the description of vowels in natural languages. These vowels can be produced by: These vowels can be produced by: - following a set of simple articulatory instructions. - targeting certain articulatorily established vowels. The idealized nature of the cardinal vowels denies absolute mapping onto vowels of natural languages. The idealized nature of the cardinal vowels denies absolute mapping onto vowels of natural languages. However, vowels in natural languages are identified with neighbouring cardinal vowels. However, vowels in natural languages are identified with neighbouring cardinal vowels.

Variation in English The vowels in English are subject to remarkable variation world-wide. The vowels in English are subject to remarkable variation world-wide. There is NO single English vowel system or inventory, but, rather, very many. There is NO single English vowel system or inventory, but, rather, very many. Some accents of English are more standard than others. Some accents of English are more standard than others. Two of these stand out as being widely recognizable: General (North) American GA and British Received Pronunciation RP. Two of these stand out as being widely recognizable: General (North) American GA and British Received Pronunciation RP.

Presentation Vowels in English are best presented with reference to the set of cardinal vowels: Vowels in English are best presented with reference to the set of cardinal vowels: - For each IPA vowel, a number of English specimens may be listed. - Then, they can be ranked from closest to most distant.

Corner Primary Vowels 1   8 4   5 4   5

Cardinal Vowel 1 [i] GA - RP - Both [i] 1  i 2 e 2 e heat, seed

Cardinal Vowel 4 [  ] GA - RP - Both [  ] 3 E 3 E   hat, bad 4 

Cardinal Vowel 5 [A] GA - RP - Both [ A  ] father 4  aA   5

Cardinal Vowel 8 [u] GA - RP - Both [ u  ]  8  8 u  o 7 o 7hoot

Corner Primary Vowels GA - RP 1   8 iu  iu    4  A   5 4  A   5

Intermediate Primary Vowels 2 e o 7 2 e o 7 3 E  6 3 E  6

Cardinal Vowel 2 [e] GA - RP - Both (diphthongized) 2 e 2 elate

Cardinal Vowel 3 [E] GA - RP - Both [ E  ] 2 e 2 e E  E  3 E 3 E let, red

Cardinal Vowel 7 [o] GA - RP - Both (diphthongized) o 7 o 7 coat, low

Cardinal Vowel 6 [  ] GA [  ] - RP [   ]    6  6caught

Intermediate Primary Vowels 2 e o 7 2 e o 7 E    E    3 E  6 3 E  6

More Lax Vowels RP [  ] (GA [ A  ])  rock A  13 

More Lax Vowels GA - RP - Both [I] 1  I I 2 e 2 e hit, lick

More Lax Vowels GA - RP - Both [U]  8  8U o 7 o 7 put, look

More Lax Vowels GA [  ] (RP [  ])  14   hut, up

Central Vowels RP [  ] (GA [  ])   hut, up

Central Vowels GA [  ] - RP - Both [  ]  /   /  14   6 14   6 ago, error

Central Vowels GA [  ] - RP [  ]  /   /  bird, lurk

Pure Vowels GA & RP iu  iu   U E  E   /    /    /    /         A  A 

Diphthongs In a diphthong, the vowel quality changes half- way through articulation. In a diphthong, the vowel quality changes half- way through articulation. It is a vowel of non-steady realization. It is a vowel of non-steady realization. Its first phase corresponds, more or less, to one pure vowel, but the second to another. Its first phase corresponds, more or less, to one pure vowel, but the second to another. As far as the relation between the two phases is concerned, we can say that there are two types of diphthongs: As far as the relation between the two phases is concerned, we can say that there are two types of diphthongs: - Homogeneous Diphthongs - Heterogeneous Diphthongs

Homogeneous Diphthongs The diphthongs [eI] and [oU] are considered homogeneous: The diphthongs [eI] and [oU] are considered homogeneous: - Their phases are close in articulatory position. - They share the same lip gesture.

Diphthong [eI] GA & RP I e  e late

Diphthong [oU] GA & RP U o 7 coat, low

Heterogeneous Diphthongs The diphthongs [aI], [aU], and [  I] are considered heterogeneous as: The diphthongs [aI], [aU], and [  I] are considered heterogeneous as: - Their phases involve considerable articulatory movement. - They don’t usually agree on rounding.

Diphthong [aI] GA & RP I my a

Diphthong [aU] GA & RP U cow a

Diphthong [  ] GA & RP Iboy

Centring Diphthongs In this type of diphthongs, the movement is towards the centre of the vowel space: In this type of diphthongs, the movement is towards the centre of the vowel space: - [I  ] pier - [U  ] poor - [E  ] dare - [  ] door

Centring Diphthongs RP IU   E 

Triphthongs Like the set of centring diphthongs, triphthongs are attested in non-rhotic accents, where a final /r/ is not phonetically realized: Like the set of centring diphthongs, triphthongs are attested in non-rhotic accents, where a final /r/ is not phonetically realized: - [ aI  ]fire - [ aU  ]hour - [ eI  ]layer - [ oU  ]lower - [  I  ]coyer

Vowels in English Vowels can be described by indicating the degree of divergence from cardinals. Vowels can be described by indicating the degree of divergence from cardinals. In English, there are twelve steady state ‘pure’ vowels and five diphthongs. In English, there are twelve steady state ‘pure’ vowels and five diphthongs. However, the language does not exhibit the full range of contrasts implied in the set of cardinal vowels. However, the language does not exhibit the full range of contrasts implied in the set of cardinal vowels. Some vowel pairs are distinguished in terms of relative tenseness and laxness, the phonetic manifestations of the values + and – for the phonological feature ATR. Some vowel pairs are distinguished in terms of relative tenseness and laxness, the phonetic manifestations of the values + and – for the phonological feature ATR. Of the five diphthongs in which the tongue glides up, two are homogeneous. Of the five diphthongs in which the tongue glides up, two are homogeneous. In addition, there are three heterogeneous diphthongs. In addition, there are three heterogeneous diphthongs. This maximal list of seventeen is augmented by a set of four centring diphthongs. This maximal list of seventeen is augmented by a set of four centring diphthongs. Add to that the set of five triphthongs attested in non-rhotic accents. Add to that the set of five triphthongs attested in non-rhotic accents.

Short - Long - Complex Vowels can be long or short. Vowels can be long or short. How should this contrast be formalized? How should this contrast be formalized? This calls for introducing an additional, and most important, tier into our autosegmental model. This calls for introducing an additional, and most important, tier into our autosegmental model. This tier is made up of abstract timing units. This tier is made up of abstract timing units. These, in turn, associate with bundles of features. These, in turn, associate with bundles of features. A short segment will be associated with one timing unit, and a long one with two. A short segment will be associated with one timing unit, and a long one with two. Conversely, a single timing unit can be doubly associated with two values of a feature, as in the case of affricates. Conversely, a single timing unit can be doubly associated with two values of a feature, as in the case of affricates. This ‘timing tier’ constitutes the baseline which supports the remainder of the autosegmental structure. This ‘timing tier’ constitutes the baseline which supports the remainder of the autosegmental structure.

Affricates – A puzzle An affricate is articulated as a stop with a partial release equivalent to a fricative. An affricate is articulated as a stop with a partial release equivalent to a fricative. So, do affricates constitute one or two segments: [  ] or [  ]+[  ]? So, do affricates constitute one or two segments: [  ] or [  ]+[  ]? The phonological evidence is equivocal: The phonological evidence is equivocal: - Some facts suggest that affricates are monosegmental. - Others suggest that they are bisegmental.

Monosegmentality English words may not start with two obstruents (cf. /s/ + obstruent): English words may not start with two obstruents (cf. /s/ + obstruent):(p)sychology(t)sar This simplification may be generalized to include word-initial [tS] and [dZ]. This simplification may be generalized to include word-initial [tS] and [dZ]. However, this is not the case. However, this is not the case. The fact that word-initial [tS] and [dZ] are not problematic provides obvious support for the monosegmental analysis. The fact that word-initial [tS] and [dZ] are not problematic provides obvious support for the monosegmental analysis.

Bisegmentality sC-clusters are allowed in English: sC-clusters are allowed in English: star street However, s + affricate clusters are not: However, s + affricate clusters are not: * [stS], * [sdZ] Also, English words can begin with a single obstruent followed by a liquid, with some restriction: Also, English words can begin with a single obstruent followed by a liquid, with some restriction: pride, plate, fry, fly, … However, affricate + liquid clusters are never allowed in English. However, affricate + liquid clusters are never allowed in English. These two gaps in the distribution of segments would obviously follow from an analysis of bisegmentality. These two gaps in the distribution of segments would obviously follow from an analysis of bisegmentality.

The Timing Tier The autosegmental formalism allows for the separation of the various elements that make up any sound we perceive as a unit. The autosegmental formalism allows for the separation of the various elements that make up any sound we perceive as a unit. The timing tier will extend the autosegmental approach to the formal expression of segmental length. The timing tier will extend the autosegmental approach to the formal expression of segmental length. Segmental length is a matter of timing: Segmental length is a matter of timing: [  ] takes twice to time to ‘say’ as [  ].

The Timing Tier By creating a special autosegmental unit of timing “X”, the difference between [  ] and [  ] can be represented as follows: By creating a special autosegmental unit of timing “X”, the difference between [  ] and [  ] can be represented as follows: 1xx2x \/| \/|   The “intended” timing of the segment in (1) should be twice as long as that of the segment in (2). The “intended” timing of the segment in (1) should be twice as long as that of the segment in (2). These Xs that constitute the timing tier are units of phonological (abstract) timing and are not intended to correspond to actual phonetic measurements. These Xs that constitute the timing tier are units of phonological (abstract) timing and are not intended to correspond to actual phonetic measurements.

Quantity and Quality Consider the following contrasts in GA or RP: Consider the following contrasts in GA or RP: 1xxvs.2xtiming tier iI melody tier iI melody tier seat sit seat sit In each, two component parts are represented: In each, two component parts are represented: - Quantity (timing):two Xs = longe one X = short - Quality (melody): i = tense I = lax

Affricates The introduction of the timing tier sanctions the association of a single timing element to an internal composition of two melodies. The introduction of the timing tier sanctions the association of a single timing element to an internal composition of two melodies. This is the configuration necessary to formalize affricates: This is the configuration necessary to formalize affricates: XX tSdZ

Affricates Therefore, affricates are simultaneously: Therefore, affricates are simultaneously: -monosegmentsl with a single X, -bisegmentalwith dual sequential articulation Each of the two melodies of this sequence will obey its own “phonotactic constraints”. Each of the two melodies of this sequence will obey its own “phonotactic constraints”.

Alternation Consider the following: Consider the following: divinedivinity [aI] ~[ I ] sereneserenity [ i  ]~[ E ] sanesanity [ eI ]~[  ] Alternation in quantity and quality Alternation in quantity and quality

Alternation in Length In the fifteenth century, the alternation between those pairs exclusively involved vowel length: In the fifteenth century, the alternation between those pairs exclusively involved vowel length: div[ i  ]nediv[ i ]nity ser[ e  ]neser[ e ]nity s[  ]nes[  ]nity This alternation can be formalized as follows This alternation can be formalized as follows XX X [-cons][-cons]

The Lexical Entry The non-basic configuration will be derived from the basic (lexical) one: The non-basic configuration will be derived from the basic (lexical) one: X  X XORX X  X | \/ \/ | | \/ \/ | [-cons] [-cons] [-cons] [-cons] short > longOR long> short

Shorting The lengthening option yields unattested alternations: The lengthening option yields unattested alternations: tr[i]m>*tr[i:]m p[i]n>*p[i:]n ac[i]d>*ac[i:]d The shorting option, restricted to non-final syllables, derives the short alternant from the lexical /i:/. The shorting option, restricted to non-final syllables, derives the short alternant from the lexical /i:/.

Complex Association The timing tier offers a richer array of relations between quantity and quality: The timing tier offers a richer array of relations between quantity and quality: - a melodic element can be associated with one or two timing slots. - a timing slot can be associated with one or more melodic elements. 1One timing slot: a. one melodyb. two melodies XX |/\ a t S 2Two timing slots: a. one melodyb. two melodies XXXX \/|| atS

Summing up The autosegmental model of phonology is extended to the representation of length. The autosegmental model of phonology is extended to the representation of length. Length, which is not a defining feature of vowels, is represented on the timing tier. Length, which is not a defining feature of vowels, is represented on the timing tier. This timing tier is separate from the substance of the sound (the melody tier). This timing tier is separate from the substance of the sound (the melody tier). This autosegmental formalism allows for distinct demonstrations of processes affecting different tiers. This autosegmental formalism allows for distinct demonstrations of processes affecting different tiers.

Next Week Chapters 9 and 10 Assignment: Key Questions (pages and 291)