Variation in Adolescents Racial Attitudes and Experiences on Academic Engagement Ciara P. Smalls, Rhonda L. White, Tabbye Chavous, & Robert Sellers University of Michigan

Abstract Previous research suggests that issues of academic identity and academic engagement are linked to youths' beliefs about their racial group membership (Fordham, 1988; Spencer et al., 2001). The purpose of this study was to explore the roles of racial discrimination and racial ideological beliefs on aspects of academic engagement among African American adolescents. 314 self-identified African American students aged were recruited from a large Midwestern school district. The majority of the sample was female (61%) and the mean age was Participants were administered a questionnaire on racial identity, experiences with racial discrimination, and several aspects of academic engagement including academic persistence, curiosity in the classroom, and oppositional achievement identity. In order to account for the race of individuals with whom youth normatively interact in our exploration of the relations of discrimination and racial identity with academic outcomes, we controlled for racial contexts based on youth preferences (voluntary context) and those beyond youths' control (involuntary context). The findings revealed that individuals reporting more discrimination experiences were more concerned with avoiding peers’ rejection of them as a high-achiever. Youth endorsing racial beliefs that de-emphasized African American identity showed lower levels of academic engagement. In contrast, individuals who emphasized ethnic minority group status showed more positive engagement outcomes. The implications on future research regarding racial ideological beliefs and academic attitudes and behaviors are discussed.

Introduction Racial Identity and Academic Achievement In the literature on Black student achievement, the discussion of academic engagement has often been coupled with racial group membership. Fordham (1988) suggests that high achieving Blacks minimize connectedness to their racial group in exchange for mainstream attitudes that are better aligned with academic settings. While several models of racial identity exist, there are few that have been used to examine how specific racial beliefs put youth at increased risk or protect youth from academic disengagement. Racial Discrimination and Academic Achievement Youth reporting more racial discrimination reported more negative beliefs about school utility, lower academic efficacy, (Wong et al., 2003), and lower GPA (Powell & Arriola, 2003). Racial Contexts and African American Youth Theories proposed by Fordham & Ogbu (1986) suggest that conflict may be more intense for Black high achievers in predominately mainstream environments. Such findings support the need to explore the extent of racial contact youth are exposed to (both self-selected and involuntary contexts).

Study Aims Though research has noted how racial group membership has facilitated the development of positive achievement attitudes (Chavous et al., 2003; Sanders, 1997; Ward, 1990), these studies have not examined individual racial beliefs. In the present study, we hope to address the above concerns by exploring how racial attitudes may serve as sources of risk and resilience. Our hypotheses are: –Hyp 1: It is expected that racial ideological beliefs that emphasize group membership (minority, nationalist ideologies), will be positively related to positive academic attitudes. –Hyp 2: We expected that racial ideology beliefs that deemphasize racial identification (humanist, assimilationist ideologies), would be negatively related to these outcomes.

Method Sample –314 African American students in grades 7-12 were recruited from a large Midwestern school district. 61% female sample with a mean age of % had average grades of B- or higher. Procedures –This data was collected as part of a larger longitudinal study on racial identity, racial socialization, and racial discrimination in African American adolescents. –Students were invited to participate based on a list of eligible students provided by the school district. Parental consent was required to participate. Students who obtained consent and gave there assent were administered the survey battery after school. –Administrations took approximately 50 minutes to complete and were monitored by trained research assistants. Participants were compensated with a $20 dollar gift certificate to their local mall.

Method con’t Racial Identity: The Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity-Teen (MIBI- T) (an extension of the measure by Sellers and colleagues, 1998). Scale: 1 (really agree) to 5 (really disagree). –Racial Centrality “Being Black is an important part of who I am.” (  =.63). –Nationalist Ideology “Black parents should surround their children with Black art and Black books.” (  =.71). –Minority Ideology “Being the only Black kid in class is no different than being the only Latino or Asian kid in class.” (  =.51). –Assimilationist Ideology “Blacks should act more like Whites to be successful in this society.” (  =.69). –Humanist Ideology “Blacks should think of themselves as individuals, not as Blacks.” (  =.50). Racial Discrimination: assessed how frequently the teen experienced discrimination and how bothered they were by the experience. Respondents were asked to respond to 17 examples of discrimination on a scale of 0 (never) to 5 (once a week), and from 0 (never happened to me) to 5 (bothers me extremely). (  =.93).

Method con’t Racial Contexts (adapted from Wegner & Shelton, 1995). –Voluntary contexts score was created from two dichotomous variables that assessed whether the student had a Black best friend and/or Black acquaintances. –Involuntary contexts captured the number of Blacks in their neighborhood, school, and classroom, as well as most of their teachers. Higher scores indicate more contact with Blacks. Outcomes Curiosity & Persistence (adapted from Skinner & Belmont, 1993). Scale: 1 (not at all true) to 4 (very true).(  =.61,.73). –“I participate when we discuss new material” (C) –“If I can’t get a problem right the first time, I just keep trying” (P) Oppositional Identity (adapted from Arroyo & Ziegler, 1995). Scale: 1 (not at all true) to 3 (very true). (  =.60). –“I feel I must act less intelligent so others will not make fun of me.”

Results

Table 2: Multiple Regression Analyses for the Model predicting Oppositional Identity.

Results Table 3: Multiple Regression Analyses for the Models Predicting Curiosity and Persistence.

Summary of Findings Our results suggest that racial ideological beliefs may serve as a missing link in the literature on race and achievement. The results show that youth who experienced more racial discrimination reported high levels of oppositional identity. Interestingly, oppositional identity was higher for youth in predominately Black involuntary contexts. Assimilationist and minority ideologies were significant predictors of whether or not youth were worried about being labeled a high achiever. Youth who endorsed a connectedness with ethnic minorities were less worried about their peers’ negative view of their high achiever status. Youth who felt that Blacks should emphasize their American identity reported lower levels of curiosity and persistence than others.

Conclusion The findings from the present study suggest that involuntary contexts (e.g. schools with higher percentages of African American classmates) may be disenfranchised in ways that result in some students having higher levels of disengagement. Future research is needed to better understand the potential protective function of peer groups. The results also provide practical implications: given the research that says that youth are aware of racial discrimination (Fisher et al., 2000), schools can prioritize opportunities for Black youth to express their feelings about their racial membership. Finally we acknowledge that youth may endorse multiple ideologies. Future research may explore patterns of ideological beliefs, and the ways these patterns predict youth achievement.