Poli 103A California Politics Rainbows and the Politics of Race

Rainbows and the Politics of Race Tom Bradley’s Rainbow The End of the Rainbow The Riots and Their Backlash Wedge Issues and Their Backlash Rainbows within Rainbows

Los Angeles City Coalitions: Tom Bradley’s Rainbow After losing to Sam Yorty in 1969, Tom Bradley defeated him in the 1973 mayor’s race. Black voters, Jews, and other Westside liberals coalesced behind Bradley. The rainbow coalition was based on the common goals of activist government and political inclusion, rather than any class solidarity.

Los Angeles City Coalitions: Tom Bradley’s Rainbow The “senior partners” in the coalition were blacks and Jews. The percentage of city commission appointments going to blacks rose from 6% under Yorty to 20% in 1991, and affirmative action expanded opportunity in jobs like police and fire departments. Jewish commission appointments rose from 9% under Yorty to 36% in 1991.

Los Angeles City Coalitions: Tom Bradley’s Rainbow The “junior partners” in the coalition were Latinos and Asians. By 1991, Latinos made up 16% of commission members and Asian Americans made up 13%, both up from negligible numbers under Yorty. Both groups also increase their proportions of city jobs.

Los Angeles City Coalitions: Tom Bradley’s Rainbow The coalition fractured over growth. In order to gain financial support for his runs for the governorship in ’82 and ’86, Bradley became more closely tied to downtown developers. Leveraged growth to pay for making LA a “world class city.” This led to challenges from the Westside (Zev Yaroslavsky’s 1986 Prop. U) and the black community (Nate Holden in 1989).

Los Angeles City Coalitions: Tom Bradley’s Rainbow Electoral Support Contributions & Organization Who Got What? Black and Jewish base Slight edge with Latinos and Asians Weak with conservative WASPs Westside money, Jewish and black leadership Old growth machine no longer in control Political inclusion for all minority groups Police reform Federal money for redevelopment

The End of the Rainbow: The Riots and Their Backlash After a Ventura Co jury found four LAPD officers not guilty of beating black motorist Rodney King, violence swept LA from April 29-May 2, Most of those arrested were black and recent Central American immigrants. 50 people died, 1000 structures burned, and $450 million in damage was done.

The End of the Rainbow: The Riots and Their Backlash The rioting and increasing crime rates further divided the Bradley coalition Korean American merchants lost their businesses, and many didn’t support Mike Woo in 1993 mayor’s race. Growth in Jewish law-and-order conservatism, especially among those who moved to the Valley. Woo only got a narrow majority of the Jewish vote.

The End of the Rainbow: The Riots and Their Backlash Richard Riordan’s election in 1993 brought an end to the rainbow coalition. Riordan was an investment banker who had become one of LA’s leading philanthropists. A political moderate, he was pro-choice, tough on crime, and promised to be fiscally conservative.

The End of the Rainbow: Richard Riordan’s Coalition Electoral Support Contributions & Organization Who Got What? His base was white conservatives Nearly half of Jewish and Latinos supported Riordan Self-funded Backed by the “growth machine” Democratic political consultants Everyone got more cops, some police reform Growth continued Less inclusion for blacks, Jews

The End of the Rainbow: Wedge Issues and Their Backlash A wedge issue is “used by candidates of one party to attract voters who usually support the other party – in effect, driving a wedge between the opposition and its normal supporters.” Cain and MacDonald, p A wedge can split the other party, a minority group, or a group coalition.

The End of the Rainbow: Wedge Issues and Their Backlash Passed by a 59-41% margin in 1994, Prop. 187 would have prevented state and local governments from providing social services, education, and non-emergency medical care to noncitizens. It fueled Pete Wilson’s dramatic comeback, with 36% of Democrats supporting it and 19% of Dems supporting Wilson over Kathleen Brown. Opposition to 187 was highest among Latinos (77%), Jews (55%), and blacks and Asians (53%).

The End of the Rainbow: Wedge Issues and Their Backlash Passed by a 55%-45% margin in 1996, Prop. 209 ended gender and race preferences by state and local governments, in fields such as public universities, public employment, and government contracts. Favored 51-36% by whites, opposed 57-27% by Latinos, opposed 66-18% by blacks, and opposed 53%-31% by Asians. It failed to help Bob Dole as a wedge issue, because it did not win many Democratic votes.

The End of the Rainbow: Wedge Issues and Their Backlash Since the Prop. 187 campaign, Latino voters have been energized Democrats. The number of new citizens in the state jumped from 178,000 in to 515,000 in In 1996, 67% of newly registered Latinos voted, up from 43% in Latinos voted 73-21% Democratic in 1996, after voting 52%-40% Dem in 1992.

Rainbows within Rainbows

LA’s Jewish community has split into Valley moderates, Westside liberals, and conservative Iranian immigrants. Black leadership split between Mark Ridley-Thomas and Maxine Waters. Latino splits between poorer, more recent immigrants with ties to service labor (Molinistas) and middle class with ties to business (Eastside PRI)

Rainbows within Rainbows In the 2001 mayoral race, the growth machine and conservatives sat on the sidelines as Steve Soboroff, Riordan’s protégé, failed to make the run-off. Jimmy Hahn narrowly defeated Antonio Villaraigosa to win, claiming 59% of white voters, 80% of blacks, 18% of Latinos, and 65% of Asians.

Discussion Questions Why did Asian American voters oppose Prop. 209, even though it may have helped Asians get into college? What are the political benefits and risks of using a wedge issue? Describe your ideal candidate to oppose Jimmy Hahn in the 2005 LA mayoral race.