1 13th International morphology meeting 5.02.2008,Vienna Variation of oblique noun stem markers in Daghestanian languages Aleksandr Kibrik Russia, Lomonosov.

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1 13th International morphology meeting ,Vienna Variation of oblique noun stem markers in Daghestanian languages Aleksandr Kibrik Russia, Lomonosov Moscow State University

2 Remarkable properties of noun declension of Daghestanian languages: the wide spread two-stem inflection: the opposition of initial stem (coinciding with nominative case) and oblique stem for other cases, the multiplicity of oblique stem markers (further - oblique markers) and, especially, their intricate distribution with regard to initial noun stems, the multiplicity of plural markers.

3 One stem pattern (Khinalug) giś-irdir-igis-i ERG gís-irdirgis NOM ‘root’ (sg –pl) m ɩ dá-d-im ɩ d-í ERG m ɩ dá-dm ɩ dá NOM ‘mountain’ (sg –pl)

4 Two stem pattern (Archi) el-um-če-ngel-li-nGEN gel-um-čaj gel-li- ∅ ERG gel-umgelNOM Cup (sg – pl)

5 Is there zero ergative marker? Decision1: -li is the ergative marker, other cases being derived from ergative (tradition & I.A. Melchuk) Decision 2: -li is the oblique marker, all cases being derived from it, including ergative. It is the least marked case, naturally using zero marker. The majority of Daghestanian languages use overt case markers for ergative.

6 Two stem pattern (Bagvalal) zin-ē-lazin-a-laDAT zin-ē-rzin-a-rERG zin-azinNOM Cow (sg – pl)

7 Ergative markers Languages with zero ergative markers: Lezgic: Archi, Lezgi Tabasaran, Agul Tsezic Khvarshi Bezhta Other languages have overt ergative marker

8 Variation of one - two stem inflection 56%44%Hinukh 100% 0%Agul, Lak, Dargwa, Tabasaran 50% Tsez, Khvarshi ~100%~0%Archi, Agul, Kryz, Budukh 35%65%Tsakhur 90%10%Bezhta, Hunzib20%80%Udi, Akhvakh 70%30%Tindi5%95%Chamalal, Gigatli dialect 60%40%Chamalal, Gakwari dialect 0%100%Khinalug Two stem-One stem- LanguageTwo stem- One stem- Language

9 Multiplicity of oblique markers Archi boc-ró-sbac moon mež-dé-s moc ʼ ór beard ni Ӏ š-í-sno Ӏ š horse berq-é-sbarq sun k ʼ as-á-sk ʼ os knife bošór-mu-sbošór husband nó ʟʼ -li-sno ʟʼ house DAT.SGNOM.SGmeaning

10 Multiplicity of oblique markers 17Udi 11Avar, Akhvakh, Tindi 13Bezhta, Hinukh, Agul 14Andi 15Lezgi 20Hunzib 24Rutul >30Lak Number of OBL markers Languages

11 Paradigmatic versatility of oblique markers In many languages, especially in Avar, nouns can have alternative case forms, see Sogratl dialect CONTESSIVE χir-í-χ / χér-du-χ χer grass SUPERESSIVE t ʼ éh-da/ t ʼ óh-u-dat ʼ eh flower ERG ʕ iždí-la / ʕ ožd-ó-la / ʕ iždí-du-la ʕ iždí axe ERG ʟ ʼ il í- la / ʟ ʼ ol -ó ́-la / ʟ ʼ il í́- du -la ʟ ʼ il í saddle Oblique caseVariants of oblique caseNOM.SGMeaning

12 Multiplicity of plural markers 9Dargi, Archi, Budukh, Khinalug 10Rutul, Kryz 11Akhvakh, Bezhta 13Hunzib 14Andi 17Udi >30Lak Number of PL markers Languages

13 Historical grounds of this tremendous multi-dimensional variation

14 In what follows a long period of the historical development of Proto-Daghestanian is assumed. The properties attributed to the proto-stage should therefore not be assumed to have evolved simultaneously. We first summarize those inflectional phenomena that are relevant for the historical reconstruction of Daghestanian inflection.

15 Evidence from obliques Two-stem inflection distinguishing the oblique cases from the nominative presupposes a stage when this opposition was alive. The multiplicity of oblique singular markers preserves a stage when the direct/oblique case opposition was not yet generalized and only existed in the form of various noun classes differently interacting with syntactic positions. In general, two-stem inflection appears to be rare. In Burushaski, where this phenomenon is attested, only female nouns can have oblique singular stem markers added to all the oblique cases.

16 Evidence from the plural In addition to the multiplicity of plural markers in Daghestanian these also occur in different orders relative to oblique markers, or they may also be cumulated with them (with obl.pl markers being relatively regular).

17 CASE + NUMBER R.OBL-OBL.PL- GEN R.OBL-OBL.SG- GEN R-PL.NOMR(+SG.NOM) burc’-urdi-lburc’-i-lbarc’-rubarc’ ‘wolf’Lak R-OBL-OBL.PL- ERG R-OBL-ERGR-PL.NOMR(+SG.NOM) p’ ɩ z- ɩ -m ɩ -rp’ ɩ z- ɩ -rp’ ɩ z-b ɩ rp’ ɩ z ‘lip’Rutul

18 This contrasts with generally rather regular cross-linguistic patterns of number being closer to stems than case and other relational marking. In one of the rare instances of case being closer to stems than number, seen in Kajtitj (an Arandic Australian language), dual and plural markers originate from independent words 'two' and 'many' and, not yet fully grammaticalized, are still outside nominal case markers. plural as a unified category On such evidence plural as a unified category can be inferred not to have been original in Daghestanian.

19 PROTODAGHESTANIAN WITHOUT CASE AND NUMBER Lacking case and number in the present sense, Proto-Daghestanian arguably had different inflections for different classes of nouns. The argument thus is that the singular/plural opposition emerged as a reinterpretation of noun class oppositions. The plural originally appeared, at least in some noun classes, as a derivational category sensitive to meanings of noun roots. This hypothesis is supported by several arguments, both typological and from within the Daghestanian languages.

20 For one thing, there is a correlation between the absence of number and the presence of numeral classifiers. Then, the co-existing irregular and unproductive plural markers in Daghestanian make diachronic sense as reinterpreted nominal classifiers. Some current markers have semantic properties (e.g., human, masculine, feminine, animate, animals, birds and insects). Last, in languages with elaborate class systems such as Fula case is lacking and number is co-expressed with class, class functioning both derivationally and inflectionally.

21 The origin of the case system It is primarily connected with the direct/oblique opposition, where the (unmarked) direct covered the core grammatical relations (S,A,P) and oblique - the peripheral relations. Though differing from contemporary Daghestanian, such two-way case systems with such a distribution of labour are encountered elsewhere, for instance in Bare (Arawak family) and in Riau Indonesian (Sumatra).

22 After separation All individual Daghestanian languages acquired the grammatical categories of number, case, and localization, drifting in the same direction from their common past.

23 Drift to current case systems The oblique case was split into an ergative (inheriting the oblique form if unmarked) and completive cases (with adverbial or locative meaning), along with the restriction of the direct case to absolutive meaning. This yields the ergative pattern which the Daghestanian langages have preserved to the present time.

24 The previous multiplicity of oblique markers is reduced and sometimes fossilized; regular, productive markers are developed, distributed morphonologically or by default rules; versatility of oblique markers is developed; the previous pattern may also be obliterated entirely, drifting from two-way to one-way inflection.

25 T ̄ hanks for your attention