The Migrant and the Household: Understanding China’s Floating Population C. Cindy Fan Department of Geography, UCLA July 11, 2007

Level of urbanization % % 2015> 50% Rural-urban migration – main source of urban growth

The 30 largest interprovincial migration flows, 1990 census.

The 30 largest interprovincial migration flows, 2000 census.

Floating population (stock measure) individuals not living at the place of registration (hukou location) Early 1980s 30 million Early to mid-1990s million million million (projected) million (projected)

The Hukou Paradigm

“We will accelerate the establishment of a social safety net targeted at rural migrant workers in cities …” -- Premier Wen Jiabao, March 5, 2007

Hukou – a sample of reforms and changes 1997 – hukou reforms in small towns and selected cities (stable job; legal place to stay) 1998 – new guidelines, including family reunification 2003 – directive affirming migrants’ rights to work 2007 – MPS report (legal place to stay) *** Autonomy of city governments to establish own criteria ***

Household as a unit of analysis Wallace (2002) rapid social changes more women in labor force large informal economy Conventional household strategy approach economic reasoning Non-economic factors keeping family intact power relations, gender hierarchy New Economics of Migration theory

Permanent settlement paradigm “ There is nothing so permanent as a temporary migrant ” International migration non-permanent and circular migration increased the best of both worlds keeping family at the origin

Security Countryside Land House Low cost of living Social security City Income opportunities

Household strategy Division of labor Economic security Social security and obligations

Maintain close ties Obligations to parents Supporting children

Will rural migrants stay in the city or return to the countryside? Mixed evidence Sichuan and Anhui Study

Household 1

1995: “Migrant work is not a long-term solution. After several years I’ll return.” 2005: “I cannot take the children with me [to the city]. School is too expensive there. … I live at the construction site. If my wife and children go there, we will have to rent a place … they stay home mainly because of financial consideration. … Another reason why we don’t settle down in the city is my work is unpredictable. … When there is no new construction work, everybody will have to return.”

Seasonal migration and circularity “I began migrant work in After getting married in 1984, I stayed home to farm for two years. In 1987, I worked in a coal mine. Then, between 1988 and 1990, I stayed home to farm and build a house. I began migrant work again in Every year, I returned home before the Spring Festival and helped with planting before going out again. In 2004, I stayed home to farm. My wife went out that year.”

Household 2

Household 3

1995: “Dagong is great, but it is not a long-term solution. People like us … I have a wife, children, and a house; I will eventually return to farm.” 2005: “Our whole lives, we will be peasants (nongmin). Our hukou is in the village, our land is in the village. … Cities are, of course, great. But we cannot afford to think about that … maybe in another 8 or 10 years. First, we must earn enough money for our daughters’ education. … If they are admitted into top universities and have their hukou moved there, then they may be considered urban people.”

Household 4

25 year-old daughter, 2005: “I am a village person (nongcunren). I don’t know if I am considered a peasant (nongmin). I don’t know how to farm, and I don’t like farming. My parents are aging, so I may have to learn to farm. In the future, I will probably live in the village to take care of my parents. … I like quiet places; there is less pollution in the countryside.”

Conclusion Household as a unit of analysis Household strategy Migrant work as a way of life a long-term, temporary solution Will rural migrants settle in the city? economic and social security Permanent settlement vs. circular migration