Consequences of the chosen path Independence was not been achieved through the right to self- determination of the people of Kosova but through negotiations of Kosovar politicians with Belgrade and in the end as a coordinated Declaration of Independence. Consequently, the lack of self-determination as method turned into lack of sovereignty as result. The independence we got is a form without content – new name without new substance: new flag and symbols, new papers and documents, but no army, no control over territory, borders, money and natural resources, no government free from the executive power of internationals. We asked for water believing that implies the glass – we got a glass without water.

Sui generis? In order to avoid domino effect, as seen from the perspective of the Security Council of the UN, we were defined as sui generis case. That is, a case never encountered before in (law) books or in the past (history). Consequently, experimenting has been strengthened as policy. Ad hoc measures and improvisations in no relations to any principles or norms. No past, since history brings in the concept of right and necessity for justice. No future, since vision brings in the risk of action and demands for responsibility. Everything is possible in order for nothing to change.

Paradigm of stability Stability, not development, is the goal. EULEX describes itself as ‘crisis management operation’. EULEX is an embodiment of the EU’s Security and Foreign Policy concept of ‘crisis management’. No opposition between stability and crisis. It is crisis which is stable. The international missions in Kosova are pre-conflict missions rather than post-conflict. The paradigm of stability in Kosova translates into international executive power over the institutions of Kosova. As a consequence, local politicians are obedient and servile. Mutual concealement: Pieter Feith masks his omnipotence through Government of Kosova which, in return, masks its impotence through Pieter Feith. “Yes, but this is an interim mission, a transition!” We are not in a transition in Kosova, since we are always in a transition: International rule in Kosova has never had a time limit.

Missing Self-determination Lack of self-determination: 1.External aspect: Art.1.3 of Constitution, 6 Points of Ban Ki- moon 2.Internal aspect: Feith, Zannieri, Kermabon and Gay + parallel structures of Serbia

Government of Kosova No chrono-strategy and no geo-strategy: no plans and vision for future, no clear and concrete allies since everybody is a friend. External recognitions as top priority, not internal sovereignty, territorial integrity and economy. Virtuality of de-territorialised independence: Hashim Thaçi is not PM of Kosova but rather ambassador of the virtual Kosova, of the new flag, new anthem etc. to the real Kosova. The government building, symbolically just as an Embassy, even looks alien to the physical ground on which it is based: not as something which was built and grew there, but as something which has landed there.

Towards where? There is no status quo: 1. Attaching posteriori sovereignty to independence + domestic plan for social and economic development 2. Bosniasation: Territorialisation of differences out of Ahtisaari’s Plan and 6 Points of Ban Ki-moon + perpetuation of international rule Independence has future once future becomes depended upon people.