Jane Callaghan, University of Northampton,

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Presentation transcript:

Jane Callaghan, University of Northampton,

 Exploring how post-apartheid psychology might deal with notions of ‘relevance’  Phd explores these developments through a consideration of the accounts of women students, interviewed in groups and as individuals, as they moved through professional psychology training programmes  Polarised construction of ‘the professional psychologist’ and ‘the personal’ or ‘the political  Difficulties reconciling the identity of psychologist with gendered, raced or politicised subject positions.

Foucault (1975, 1976) psychological regulation – functions through apparatuses of confession, observation, and regulation. Rose (1985) 'psy-complex’ Psychology exhorts us to self-examination and individualisation – distraction from the social and the institutional. As therapeutic subjects we must “find the truth of psychological statements within ourselves.” (Burman, 1997, p 3) To become psychologists, we must feel the truth of psychology – we embody it, we do not simply labour as psychologists.  Becoming a psychology = IDENTITY PROJECT

becoming a psychologist involves learning to ‘play the game’ of professionalism - performing an identity of ‘objective care’ that is masculinised, and implicitly white and middle class This paper explores the construction of the notion of ‘community’ and ‘community work’ in student talk, considering how this intersects with constructions of professionalism, race and gender

 Community psychology – part of SA psychology’s crisis of relevance  An attempt to take psychology to ordinary people, and review and engage critically with the western basis of mainstream psychology  Seedat, Duncan and Lazarus (2001, p. 4), “community psychology came to be associated with broad democratic movements seeking to dismantle oppressive state structures and ideological state apparatuses” and “embraced a radical challenge to the discriminatory foundation, theory, method, and practice of psychology”.  Community service introduced in Jan 2004

A: I don’t think I was prepared to work in a South Africa context, in either institution, because our reading matter was American, to a large extent, erm, at this University, the lecturers weren’t experienced in South African matters, HIV, they didn’t come from that angle. My preparation for psychology in a South African context came from living in Umkusi. I lived there for many years. And also from talking Zulu, and just understanding the people of different races up there. L: Just start being very aware of the history of the country ((sounds of agreement)). That’s been quite tricky. Also, I mean, as far as working in South Africa, there’s such a high level of violence and HIV. And they prepared* us, they emphasised that quite a lot. There’s a lot of HIV training\. So I think they’ve given us (..) quite a good training preparing for that.

 Being ‘relevant’ to South Africa tends to also be seen as engaging with ‘black issues’.  Students locate the construct of South Africanness, and South African psychological needs are understood with reference to HIV and violence.  Race hinted at but not explicitly named (race overdetermined, but not directly articulated)  racialised other imbued with an aura of savagery, of damage and of (sexual) disease  implicitly separate from the identity of the psychologist

A: No. And it’s fear too. Fear of the unknown, fear of other races. Fear of dirt and germs and HIV. It’s fear for some people, fear that they can’t cope, that they can’t understand what people say, and yet, as you say, I think it would be a wonderful thing for professionals. To take stuff, what is going on in this country, because this is the real world\. Community. (..) You go out there and you practice (..) soft psychology. You don’t know what hard psychology is all about. This is how the majority, the majority of people in South Africa are living. And if you have a year of it, it will actually change you perspective on, on your own life, for the better. (..)

‘soft’ (white) psychology vs ‘hard’ (black) psychology Practice with ‘the community’ is represented as more ‘real’, as engaged with ‘the real world’ ‘real problems’ = more intractable and inevitable, more substantial, more significant, than those of the white population. Less amenable to psychological intervention. In this world of psychological practice, things are quite literally black or white: white people have ‘ordinary pathology’, while black people have far more complex psycho-social conditions. Western theory and (mostly white) psychologists – inadequate to the problems

 ‘The community’ as a separate structure to which students must be ‘exposed’.  Functions as a euphemism for ‘black (poor) people’  Positions as other, and entrenches the position of the psychologist (black or white) as separate from and different to ‘the community’ to which they need to be exposed:

P: This is where our training I think, you know, needs to be criticised. Because we’re not trained to take on these communities. Erm, some of the theories that we use, I mean, we can’t use them as they are. We find we have to change them so much, when in practice. We found that in our internship year. Because we didn’t do really any culturally sensitive therapies. And, er, in the hospital, I mean, the reality in the hospital, is that you’re seeing people that are mainly black, you know, and very culturally rooted. And we’re not even trained to understand some of their cultures. We don’t even understand where they’re coming from. And, in er, three or four sessions, we must help these people through their problems*. I mean, is that realistic? Are we even making a difference* in their lives*, or are we just kidding ourselves\?

unknown and unknowable - the ‘dark continent’ of colonial fantasy. They are ‘different’, from the trainee, and are the bearers of ‘culture’ – they are ‘very culturally rooted’. Students must be trained to understand ‘them’ and to develop a special cultural sensitivity The exposure discourse, and the idea of ‘going out to communities’ functions to race the psychologist as well as the community – positions them as ‘white’ and ‘middle class’ – regardless of actual race or class location.

N: For me, for me, the community is where you live. Well, I usually go to black communities (laughs) and I work in rural areas.... I think that is where people need to be developed. But really, to me, we don’t develop in community projects. You just go there, do your projects, finish it and then you leave.... So each and every time someone comes with something new, but it’s not sustainable. So that’s my problem with that. I also want to look at that. N: I think you sort of become disconnected from the community, broadly. You don’t … Some of the things surprises you, when you go to do some things… You’re sort of shocked. Erm, I don’t think it’s because you don’t want to be exposed to those things, but because you’re disconnected, we’re somewhere there, untouchable there, and other people don’t\…. JC: What makes you untouchable up there? N: Uh. I think because, mostly we use theory. (..) And we think of things like structurally, the theory, it has to fit in the theory. There has to be a theory which explains it somehow. And there are other things we don’t look at.

Community as space in need of development (immature? In need of parenting and growth? Deprivation and poverty, needing rescue?) Psychologist necessary as agent of development A community is where people live – but it is not where psychologists live. Something we are exposed to. Community work as something that is done to communities. Exposure discourse locates communities as diseased and damaged Notion of the professional as dispassionate and objective, and as implicitly white and middle class, positions them outside the community. The exposure discourse allows students to have contact with the community, but they cannot become full immersed in them, and they certainly cannot be part of them

 Community and professional constituted as antithetical within psychological  (western) psychologist as white, middle class, rational, neutral.  Community as irrational, raced, diseased, riven with violence, damaged  In discursive terms, these can’t be logically reconciled - creates substantial conundrums for black students in training  Difficulty of theorising self-as-professional— within- community