A movement 3 Nov 2, 2012 – Day 27 Introduction to Syntax ANTH 3590/7590 Harry Howard Tulane University

C OURSE MANAGEMENT We need to spend our $150 from the Provost’s Undergraduate Activities Fund. 11/02/12 2 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

A-MOVEMENT Radford §6 11/02/12 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane 3

REVIEW 11/02/12 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane 4

CP TPCøCø PRN there QP some students T’T’ V' VPT should F IRST PIECE OF EVIDENCE : A VP- INTERNAL SUBJECT IN B ELFAST E NGLISH THERE CLAUSES (6.4) 11/02/12 5 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V get QP ø distinctions

CP TPCøCø QP all hell T’T’ V' VPT will S ECOND PIECE OF EVIDENCE : S UBJECT IDIOMS CAN BE INSERTED AS A UNIT INTO VP (6.12) 11/02/12 6 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V break AP loose QP all hell

CP TPCøCø QP everyone T’T’ V' NegPT did T HIRD PIECE OF EVIDENCE : N EGATION HAS SCOPE OVER A VP- INTERNAL SUBJECT 11/02/12 7 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V finish DetP the assignment QP everyone Neg' Neg ø VP n’tn’t

CP TPCøCø DP the police T’T’ V' VPT will T HEMATIC ROLE ASSIGNMENT BECOMES LOCAL ( WITHIN VP) 11/02/12 8 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V arrest DP the suspect DP the police V assigns THEME to its internal or first- merged argument V assigns AGENT to its external or second- merged argument

CP TPCøCø DP the police T’T’ V' VPT will U NERGATIVE INTRANSITIVE VERBS HAVE AGENT SUBJECTS 11/02/12 9 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V complain DP the police V assigns AGENT to its external or second- merged argument

CP TPCøCø T’T’ VPT could U NACCUSATIVE INTRANSITIVE VERBS HAVE THEME SUBJECTS 11/02/12 10 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V arise QP several complications QP several complications V assigns THEME to its internal argument

CP TPCøCø T’T’ VPT were PASSIVE AS UNACCUSATIVE (49) 11/02/12 11 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V reported QP several cases V assigns THEME to its internal argument QP several cases

CP TPCøCø T’T’ VPT were PASSIVE WITH THERE AS UNACCUSATIVE (48) 11/02/12 12 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V reported QP several cases PRN there V assigns THEME to its internal argument

PASSIVE PREDICATES Additional evidence for the unaccusative analysis of the passive Radford §6.6 11/02/12 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane 13

D ISCONTINUOUS SPELLOUT OF THE PASSIVE SUBJECT i. No evidence of any corruption was found. ii. = no evidence of any corruption was found no evidence of any corruption iii. No evidence was found of any corruption. (50) iv. = no evidence was found no evidence of any corruption 11/02/12 14 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane CP TPCøCø T’T’ VPT was V found QP no evidence of any corruption V assigns THEME to its internal argument QP no evidence

Object idioms (inserted into V’) 51b) Little heed was paid to what he said. 52b) Due homage was paid to General Ghouly. 53b) Close tabs were kept on the CIA by the FBI. 11/02/12 15 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane CP TPCøCø T’T’ VPT was V made QP much headway V assigns THEME to its internal argument QP much headway

UTAH Uniform Theta Assignment Hypothesis Constituents which fulfill the same thematic role with respect to a given predicate occupy the same initial position in the syntax. (55) 11/02/12 16 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

LONG-DISTANCE PASSIVIZATION Radford §5.6 11/02/12 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane 17

I NDUCTIVE INTRODUCTION Some data 56a) There are alleged to have been stolen a number of portraits of the Queen. 56b) A number of portraits of the Queen are alleged to have been stolen. 57a) There are believed to have occurred several riots. 57b) Several riots are believed to have occurred. What was our hypothesis about infinitival complements to believe ? They are TPs, not CPs (ECM) 11/02/12 18 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

AuxP TP Aux have T’T’ VP T to LONG-DISTANCE THERE (59) 11/02/12 19 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V occurred QP several riots V assigns THEME to its internal argument PRN there CP TPCøCø T’T’ VPT are V believed PRN there

AuxP TP Aux have T’T’ VP T to LONG-DISTANCE PASSIVIZATION (60) 11/02/12 20 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V occurred QP several riots V assigns THEME to its internal argument QP several riots CP TPCøCø T’T’ VPT are V believed QP several riots

RAISING Radford §6.8 11/02/12 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane 21

I NDUCTIVE INTRODUCTION The following sentences reorganize Radford’s data into the gradual reduction of a subordinate CP to a TP, then to a passive TP with expletive there, then to a passive TP without there : i. It may appear that they have made remarkably little progress on disarmament. ii. They may appear to have made remarkably little progress on disarmament. iii. There may appear to have been made remarkably little progress on disarmament. (cf. 67a) iv. Remarkably little progress on disarmament may appear to have been made. (cf. 67b) 11/02/12 22 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

S UBORDINATE CP 11/02/12 23 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane CP TPCøCø T’T’ VPT may V appear PRN it CP C that TP T’T’ V’V’ T Af V made V assigns THEME to its internal argument AuxP Aux have VP PRN they V assigns AGENT to its external argument PRN they QP little progress on disarmament

TP T’T’ V’V’ T to S UBORDINATE TP WITH RAISING OF AGENT, FIRST DRAFT 11/02/12 24 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V made QP little progress on disarmament V assigns THEME to its internal argument CP TPCøCø T’T’ VPT may V appear PRN they AuxP Aux have VP PRN they V assigns AGENT to its external argument PRN they

TP T’T’ VP T to P ASSIVE SUBORDINATE TP WITH RAISING OF EXPLETIVE THERE 11/02/12 25 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V made QP little progress on disarmament V assigns THEME to its internal argument CP TPCøCø T’T’ VPT may V appear PRN there PRN there AuxP Aux have AuxP Aux been

TP T’T’ VP T to P ASSIVE SUBORDINATE TP WITH RAISING OF THEME, CF. (71) 11/02/12 26 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V made QP little progress on disarmament V assigns THEME to its internal argument CP TPCøCø T’T’ VPT may V appear QP little progress on disarmament AuxP Aux have AuxP Aux been QP little progress on disarmament

M ORE DATA Raising of expletive there 66a) There does seem to remain some hope of peace. 66b) Some hope of peace does seem to remain. 67a) There does appear to have been made remarkably little progress on disarmament. 67b) Remarkably little progress on disarmament appears to have been made. CP vs. raising 68a) It would seem that Senator Slime has been lying to Congress. 68b) Senator Slime would seem to have been lying to Congress. 69a) It would appear that they have underestimated her. 69b) They would appear to have underestimated her. 11/02/12 27 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

C OMPARING RAISING AND CONTROL PREDICATES Radford §6.9 11/02/12 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane 28

C ONTROL VS. RAISING PREDICATES Don’t these two sentences look similar? 72b) He does want to scare them. 72a) He does seem to scare them. Four ways in which they are different. 1. Expletive there subjects: 84b) *There wanted to remain several unsolved mysteries. 84b) There seem to remain several unsolved mysteries. cf other examples (54-7) p Subject idioms: 85a) ??Whenever they meet, all hell wants to break loose. 85a) Whenever they meet, all hell seems to break loose. 3. Synonymy under long-distance passivization: 87b) Mary wants to be helped by John. 87a) ≉ John wants to help Mary. 86b) Mary seems to have been helped by John. 86a) ≈ John seems to have helped Mary. 4. Restrictions on subject: 88) My {cat/!gesture} wants to be appreciated. 89) My {cat/gesture} seems to be appreciated. 11/02/12 29 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

Summary of the differences Note that control is ‘normal’ Control (want, be keen) Raising (seem, be likely) Expletive there subject *ok Subject idiom*ok Synonymy under long-distance passivization *ok Restrictions on subject yesno 11/02/12 30 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

EXPLANATION A control predicate like want assigns EXPERIENCER to its specifier/external argument and THEME to its complement/internal argument. If clausal, the complement is CP. A raising predicate like seem assigns no theta role to its specifier/external argument and takes a TP complement/internal argument. 11/02/12 31 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

TP T’T’ V' T to C ONTROL VERB WANT (78) 11/02/12 32 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V scare PRN them V assigns THEME to its complement PRN he CP TP CøCø T’T’ V' T does V want PRN PRO VP PRN PRO V assigns AGENT to its specifier CP CøCø V assigns THEME to its CP complement VP V assigns EXPERIENCER to its specifier PRN he

PRN he TP T’T’ V' T to R AISING VERB SEEM (73) 11/02/12 33 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane V scare PRN them V assigns THEME to its complement PRN he CP TPCøCø T’T’ VPT does V seem PRN he VP V assigns AGENT to its specifier V assigns THEME to its TP complement?

SUMMARY Radford § /02/12 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane 34

T HE CONDITIONS Theta/θ criterion Predicate-internal theta-marking hypothesis Constraint on extraction domains Only complements allow material to be extracted from them (not specifiers or adjuncts). Uniform theta marking hypothesis Attract closest condition Relativized minimality condition 11/03/10 35 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

NEXT TIME Q8 Exercises /02/12 36 ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane