1 Modal Doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien Yin Ling Cheung Ph.D. Candidate in Linguistics Purdue University August 31, 2007

2 The Goal To find out how modal doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien is represented. To find out how modal doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien is represented.

3 Outline 1. Introduction: location and language family 2. Basic word order 3. Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien 4. Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien 5. Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction 6. Conclusion

4 1.Introduction: location and language family 2.Basic word order 3.Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien 4.Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien 5.Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction 6.Conclusion

5 Location

6 Language Family

7 1.Introduction: location and language family 2.Basic word order 3.Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien 4.Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien 5.Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction 6.Conclusion

8 2. Basic Word Order: Head-initial Language (1)i1 mia5-chia4 tsui5 dan5-go1 3s tomorrow make cake “S/he will make cakes tomorrow.” i1 mia5-chia4 tsui5 dan5-go1 i1 mia5-chia4 tsui5 dan5-go1 3s tomorrow make cake “S/he will make cakes tomorrow.”

9 1.Introduction: location and language family 2.Basic word order 3.Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien 4.Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien 5.Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction 6.Conclusion

10 3.Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien i. Do two modal elements involve in Modal Doubling? How many modality readings are allowed? ii. Does the doubled element have to be the same? iii. Is e7 the only modal element that allows doubling? iv. Does Modal Doubling only appear with serial verb constructions? v. If yes, which type of serial verb constructions co-exists with Modal Doubling?

11 In (2), the sentence is ungrammatical when the two modal elements are different: In (2), the sentence is ungrammatical when the two modal elements are different: (2) * i1 e7-tang3 dao5 e7 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he will lift this box of books.’ Intended: ‘S/he will lift this box of books.’

12 Modal elements conveying the meanings of possibility or necessity are e7-hiau3, e7-tang3, e7- yang8, e7-jit8, ko2-leng5, i-teng7-e7, and eng1-kai1. Modal elements conveying the meanings of possibility or necessity are e7-hiau3, e7-tang3, e7- yang8, e7-jit8, ko2-leng5, i-teng7-e7, and eng1-kai1. However, these cannot be doubled and the sentences are all considered as ungrammatical with modal doubling, as in the examples (3) – (9): However, these cannot be doubled and the sentences are all considered as ungrammatical with modal doubling, as in the examples (3) – (9):

13 (3) *i1 e7-hiau3 dao5 e7-hiau ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he can lift this box of books.’ (learnt skill) Intended: ‘S/he can lift this box of books.’ (learnt skill) (4) *i1 e7-tang3 dao5 e7-tang3 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he can lift this box of books.’ (capability) (5) *i1 e7-yang8 dao5 e7-yang8 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he can lift this box of books.’ (permission) (6) *i1 e7-jit8 dao5 e7-jit8 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he can lift this box of books.’ (permission) (7) *i1 ko2-leng5 dao5 ko2-leng5 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he may lift this box of books.’ (possibility) (8) *i1 i-teng7-e7 dao5 i-teng-e7 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he must lift this box of books.’ (necessity) (9) *i1 eng1-kai1 dao5 eng1-kai1 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Intended: ‘S/he should lift this box of books.’ (obligation)

14 Example (10) shows that Modal Doubling is dependent on a two-verb serial verb construction: when a simple, single-verb sentence is used, Modal Doubling becomes ungrammatical: (10) *i1 e7 tui5 e7 he1-e1 min4 Prn.3s MOD push MOD DEM door [No reading available]

15 Modal Doubling is only compatible with the resultative type of serial verb construction, as in (11). Modal Doubling is only compatible with the resultative type of serial verb construction, as in (11). (11) i1 e7 dao5 e7 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books Prn.3s MOD1 take MOD2 rise DET-CL-books ‘S/he will lift this box of books.’ ( the speaker is 100% certain that the subject can do the action.) ‘S/he will lift this box of books.’ (resultative; the speaker is 100% certain that the subject can do the action.) (12) *i1e7 zi5 e7 m ʌ 8 tsia8 Prn.3sMOD1 cookMOD2 meat eat Intended: ‘S/he will cook and eat meat.’ (direct object sharing) (13)*i1e7 mui5h ə 2 e7lai2 Prn.3sMOD1 buyfish MOD2come Intended: ‘S/he will buy a fish and bring it.’ (directional)

16 (14)*i1e7 te1 do1 e7 tai1he2 Prn.3s MOD1 take knife MOD2 cut-up fish Intended: ‘S/he will cut up a fish with a knife.’ (instrumental) (15)*i1e7 kia1 ji8 bun4 e7 tse2 hi2 gua3 Prn.3sMOD1send ONE CL MOD2 book give prn.1s Intended: ‘S/he will send a book to me.’ (double object) (16)*i1e7 hi8 ngaan7-ah1 e7kia5tsau6 Prn.3sMOD1 make children MOD2 fearbird Intended: ‘S/he will make the children afraid of the bird.’ (causative) (17)*i1e7 lip8he8-yi4e7 kua1he8 Prn.3sMOD1 entercinemaMOD2 seemovie Intended: ‘S/he will go into the cinema to see a movie.’ (sequential)

17 The Types of Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien (18) i1 dao5 ji8-Λ4-zi4 ki8 (resultative) Prn.3s take DET-CL-books rise ‘S/he lifts this box of books.’ ‘S/he lifts this box of books.’ (19) i1 zi5 m ʌ 8 tsia8 (direct object sharing) Prn.3s cook meat eat ‘S/he cooks and eats meat.’ (20)i1mui5h ə 2 lai2 (directional) Prn.3sbuyfish come ‘S/he buys a fish and brings it.’ (21)i1 te1 do1 tai1 he2 (instrumental) Prn.3s take knife cut fish ‘S/he cuts up a fish with a knife.’ (22)i1kia1ji8bun4 tse2 hi2gua3 (double object) Prn.3ssendNUM.ONECL book giveprn.1s ‘S/he sends a book to me.’ (23)i1 hi8 ngaan7-ah1 kia5 tsau6 (causative) Prn.3s make children fear bird ‘S/he makes the children afraid of the bird.’ (24)i1 lip8he8-yi4 kua1he8 (sequential) Prn.3s entercinema seemovie ‘S/he goes into the cinema to see a movie.’

18 A-not-A question formation test To find out the head of the clause, that is, the main verb in a sentence, as examples (25) and (26) show: (25)i1zi5m ʌ 8 Prn.3scookmeat ‘S/he cooks the meat.’ (26)i1zi5-m7-zi5 m ʌ 8 Prn.3scook-NEG-cookmeat ‘Will s/he cook the meat?’

19 A-not-A question formation test tells us: SVCs in Hokkien fall into two groups: SVCs in Hokkien fall into two groups: group A – resultative, direct object sharing, and directional SVCs – that does NOT allow A-not-A question formation on V2 and; group B – instrumental, double object, causative, and sequential SVCs – that allows A-not-A question formation on V2.

20 1.Introduction: location and language family 2.Basic word order 3.Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien 4.Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien 5.Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction 6.Conclusion

21 4. Potential Analyses for Hong Kong Hokkien Law (1996) Law (1996) Larson (1991) Larson (1991) Law (1996:200-1), when analysizing Mandarin, presents two types of serial verb constructions, as in (27) and (128). Law (1996:200-1), when analysizing Mandarin, presents two types of serial verb constructions, as in (27) and (128). (27) NP1 [VP V1 NP2 [VP V2 ]] (28) NP1 [VP [VP V1 NP2 [VP V2 NP3]]

22 (29) a. Ta song-le yi- ge xiangzi lai (Law, 1996:200) Prn.3s send-PERF NUM.ONE CL suitcase come Prn.3s send-PERF NUM.ONE CL suitcase come ‘He sent over a suitcase.’ ‘He sent over a suitcase.’ b. Ta na-le nei-ben shu zou (Law, 1996:200) b. Ta na-le nei-ben shu zou (Law, 1996:200) Prn.3s hold-PERF DEM-CL book go Prn.3s hold-PERF DEM-CL book go ‘He took away that book.’ ‘He took away that book.’ (30) a. Ta na dao qie-le rou (Law, 1996:200) Prn.3s hold knife cut-PERF meat Prn.3s hold knife cut-PERF meat ‘He cut the meat with a knife.’ ‘He cut the meat with a knife.’ b. Ta na yaoshi kai-le men (Law, 1996:200) b. Ta na yaoshi kai-le men (Law, 1996:200) Prn.3s hold key open-PERF door Prn.3s hold key open-PERF door ‘He opened the door with a key.’ ‘He opened the door with a key.’

23 In (27) the first verb takes as complement the VP headed by the second verb such as lai ‘come’ and zou ‘go’. In (28), the VP headed by the second verb such as qie ‘cut’ and kai ‘open’ in (30) is an adjunct to the VP headed by the first verb. In (28), the VP headed by the second verb such as qie ‘cut’ and kai ‘open’ in (30) is an adjunct to the VP headed by the first verb.

24 Larson (1991:201-2) suggests that secondary predicates are daughters of V’, appearing in the configuration shown in (31) which is a resultative structure. (31) VP (Larson 1991:202) NP V’ NP V’ Carol V VP Carol V VP e NP V’ e NP V’ her finger V AP her finger V AP rub raw rub raw Under Larson’s proposal, in (31), her finger receives a theta-role from rub and a theta-role from raw. Rub and raw therefore appear as sisters under a V’ which is predicated of her finger. Rub and raw therefore appear as sisters under a V’ which is predicated of her finger.

25 In terms of syntactic properties, resultative SVC  direct object sharing & directional SVCs 1. Aspectual marking test (32) *John pa8 (V1) le8 ga5-chua5 si1 (V2) [resultative] John hit ASP cockroach die Intended: John has killed cockcroach. Intended: John has killed cockcroach. (33)i1 zi5 (V1) le8 m ʌ 8 tsia8 (V2) [direct object sharing] Prn.3s cook ASP meat eat Prn.3s cook ASP meat eat ‘S/he eats meat she cooked.’ (34)il mui5 (V1) le8 h ə 2 lai2 (V2) [directional] Prn.3s buy ASP fish come ‘S/he bought a fish and brought it.’

26 2. Bare noun test (35) *John (NP1) pa8 (V1) ga4-chua5 (NP2) si1 (V2) [resultative] John hit cockroach die Intended: John hits and kills cockcroach. Intended: John hits and kills cockcroach. (36)John (NP1) zi5 (V1) m ʌ 8 (NP2) tsia8 (V2) [direct object sharing] John cook meat eat John cooks and eats meat. (37)John (NP1) mui5 (V1) h ə 2 (NP2) lai2 (V2) [directional] John buy fish come John buys and brings fish.

27 1.Introduction: location and language family 2.Basic word order 3.Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien 4.Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien 5.Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction 6.Conclusion

28 5. Using Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative SVC We have VP as the sister to V0, the first verb dao5 ‘take’ takes the VP with the second verb ki8 ‘rise’ as the complement. (38) VP NP 1 V’ NP 1 V’ John V 0 VP John V 0 VP NP 2 V NP 2 V dao5 ji8-Λ4-zi4 ki8 dao5 ji8-Λ4-zi4 ki8 John take this-box-of-book rise John take this-box-of-book rise ‘John lifts this box of books.’ ‘John lifts this box of books.’

29 (39) IP D I D I I 0 MOD 1 P I 0 MOD 1 P MOD 1 0 VP MOD 1 0 VP V 0 MOD 2 P V 0 MOD 2 P MOD 2 0 VP MOD 2 0 VP i1 e7 dao5 e7 ki8 ji8- Λ 4-zi4 i1 e7 dao5 e7 ki8 ji8- Λ 4-zi4 3s MOD 1 take MOD 2 rise DET-CL-books 3s MOD 1 take MOD 2 rise DET-CL-books ‘S/he will lift this box of books.’ (The speaker is 100% certain that the subject can do the ‘S/he will lift this box of books.’ (The speaker is 100% certain that the subject can do the action.) action.) MD is a relation between heads: MOD 1 and MOD 2. V 0 → the two modal elements have to be the same. Given VP is a complement to V 0 and MD is a result of head to head movement → the two modal elements have to be the same.

30 (40) John e7 dao5 e7 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 John MOD take MOD rise this-box-of-book John MOD take MOD rise this-box-of-book ‘John will lift this box of books.’ (The speaker is 100% certain that the subject will do the action.) ‘John will lift this box of books.’ (The speaker is 100% certain that the subject will do the action.) (41) John e7 dao5 e7 ki8 ji8-Λ4-zi4 John MOD take MOD rise this-box-of-book John MOD take MOD rise this-box-of-book ‘John will lift this box of books.’ (The speaker is 100% certain that the subject will do the action.) ‘John will lift this box of books.’ (The speaker is 100% certain that the subject will do the action.)

31 1.Introduction: location and language family 2.Basic word order 3.Properties of Modal Doubling in Hokkien 4.Potential Analyses for Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Hokkien 5.Larsonian Structure to Account for Resultative Serial Verb Construction 6.Conclusion

32 6. Conclusion I have identified Modal Doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien → only restricted to resultative SVC. I have identified Modal Doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien → only restricted to resultative SVC.

33 The main properties in e7 modal doubling include: The main properties in e7 modal doubling include: - there are two modal elements in Modal Doubling with only single modality reading allowed; - the doubled modal element must be the same; - e7 is the only modal that allows doubling; - Modal Doubling can only appear with resultative type of SVC. 6. Conclusion (cont’d)

34 The A-not-A question formation tells us that these seven types of serial verb constructions fall into two group: The A-not-A question formation tells us that these seven types of serial verb constructions fall into two group: - resultative, direct object sharing, directional (group A); instrumental, double object, causative, and sequential (group B). Group A does not allow A-not-A question formation to target V2 whereas Group B allows. Group A does not allow A-not-A question formation to target V2 whereas Group B allows.

35 Law’s (1996) structures can account for group A type of constructions and also to explain the constructions in group B. Law’s (1996) structures can account for group A type of constructions and also to explain the constructions in group B.

36 I have proposed a Larsonian structure to explain resultative SVC, but not direct object sharing and directional SVCs because resultative fits into Larson’s proposal with VP as a sister to V0. I have proposed a Larsonian structure to explain resultative SVC, but not direct object sharing and directional SVCs because resultative fits into Larson’s proposal with VP as a sister to V0.

37 In direct object sharing and directional SVCs, instead of having VP as a sister to V0, NP2 as a sister to V0. This means that direct object sharing and directional SVCs fail to fit into the Larsonian structure. In direct object sharing and directional SVCs, instead of having VP as a sister to V0, NP2 as a sister to V0. This means that direct object sharing and directional SVCs fail to fit into the Larsonian structure.

38 The Larsonian structure for resultative SVC allows for a structural position for both modal heads, in that way accounting for modal doubling with resultative SVC in Hokkien. The Larsonian structure for resultative SVC allows for a structural position for both modal heads, in that way accounting for modal doubling with resultative SVC in Hokkien.

39 Modal Doubling in Hong Kong Hokkien Yin Ling Cheung Ph.D. Candidate in Linguistics Purdue University August 31, 2007