Principles and Parameters (II) Rajat Kumar Mohanty Department of Computer Science and Engineering Indian Institute of Technology Bombay

Levels of Representation in Universal Grammar (UG) Lexicon Move-alpha D(eep)-Structure S(urface)-Structure LF (logical form) PF (phonetic form) Theta roles Constrained by theta criterion Transformational rules Constrained by EPP X-bar rules

Universal Principles Language specific Parameters

Outline  Move-   Structure Preserving Hypothesis (SPH)  Head Movement Constraint (HMC)  Tensed S Condition (TSC)  Doubly Filled COMP Filter  Bounding Theory  Subjacency Principle

D-structure to S-structure  Move-  : Move any constituent anywhere (subject to other constraints)  S-structure: the actual word order in a sentence  D-structure is mapped onto S-structure by the function Move- 

Move-   Movement: Bounded / Unbounded  Bounded movement rearranges the argument structure of a verb and is confined to a minimal clause.  Unbounded movement does not affect the argument structure.

Move-   Types of movement NP-movement NP-movement Wh-movement Wh-movement V-raising V-raising I-raising I-raising  Restrictions Only maximal or zero-level categories can move Only maximal or zero-level categories can move For maximal categories, movement must be from an A- position. It must be to a position that is not  -marked. For maximal categories, movement must be from an A- position. It must be to a position that is not  -marked. For zero-level categories, Head Movement Constraint must be satisfied. For zero-level categories, Head Movement Constraint must be satisfied.

Structure Preserving Hypothesis (SPH)  SPH forces head categories to move to head positions and maximal projections to maximal (spec) positions.  Examples Which car will John fix? Which car will John fix? *Will which car John fix? *Will which car John fix?

spec V ` VP NPV I ` IP NP I fix NP t Which car will John fix ? C ` CP C t [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] WILL John Which car will

spec V ` VP NPV I ` IP NP I fix NP t * Will which car John fix ? C ` CP C t [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] WILL John Which car will Violation of SPH

Head Movement Constraint (HMC)  Movement of an X 0 category  is restricted to the position of a head  that governs the maximal projection of .  According to HMC, movement of the verb is restricted to I.

IP I ` I titi VP V ` NP V sink Unaccusative Movement [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] The ship sank NP The ship V-raising

John seems to be happy. IP I ` NP IVP V ` I ` seem IPV John I VP N ` N [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] TO V` V be AP happy titi titi Tensed S Condition (TSC): Move an NP to an empty position provided the NP is not contained in a tensed S. spec e

It seems that John is happy. IP I ` NP IVP V ` C ` seem CPV It C IP N ` N [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] that Tensed S Condition (TSC): Move an NP to an empty position provided the NP is not contained in a tensed S. spec e John is happy

IP I ` I titi VP V ` NP V kick Passivization The ball was kicked NP The ball [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] BE + -EN

NP V ` VP spec V NP CP N` N spec meet who be The man who I met was John I ` IP NP I John [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] man C` VP V` N` the Det C IP I I` VNP t I [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] Relativization

Doubly Filled COMP Filter  The man who I met was John.  * The man who that I met was John.  COMP cannot contain both a wh-element and a complementizer (parametric variation)

v P v ` spec V ` VP v NP V PP I ` IP NP I give who the book titi t who did you give the book to ? C ` CP NP C t [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] DO you P P` to NP

v P v ` spec V ` VP v NP V PP I ` IP NP I give To whom the book titi t To whom did you give the book ? C ` CP PP C t [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] DO you Pied-piping

spec V ` VP NPV I ` IP NP I buy NP t Who bought what ? C ` CP spec C what [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] t who PF movement

spec V ` VP NPV I ` IP NP I buy NP t Who bought what ? C ` CP spec C t [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] t who what LF movement PF movement

spec C ` CP spec C IP I ` IP NP I think who t that who do you think that John likes ? C ` CP NP C John likes t [Tense] [AGR] [+ EPP] DO you VP V ` V t Cycle-2 Cycle-1

[ CP who do [ IP you think [ CP t that [ IP John likes t ] Violation of subjacency principle

Bounding Theory  Subjacency principle (subordinate + adjacency)  Movement must not cross more than one bounding nodes in one cycle  Bounding Nodes (English): IP, DP (parametric variation)

[ IP It seems [ CP that [ IP John is likely [ IP t to pass the exam ]]]] * [ IP John seems [ CP that [ IP it is likely [ IP t to pass the exam ]]]] *[ IP John seems [ CP that [ IP t is likely [ IP t to pass the exam ]]]] Violation of TSC Violation of subjacency

Sources and further readings  Comsky, Noam Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. CUP, Cambridge.  Comsky, Noam Lectures on Government and Binding. Foris, Dordrecht.  Ouhalla, Jamal Introducing Transformational grammar. Arnold, London.

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