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Recent Developments in Northern Irish Politics Councillor Professor John Barry, Green Party and School of Politics, International Studies and Philosophy, Queens University Belfast
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Current situation Low-level violence Low-level violence Shift to contestation within the cultural/identity sphere – especially around ‘Britishness’ Shift to contestation within the cultural/identity sphere – especially around ‘Britishness’ Growing alienation of sections of the protestant working class Growing alienation of sections of the protestant working class Rise in racism and homophobia, suicides, emigration Rise in racism and homophobia, suicides, emigration ‘Decade of centenaries’ – Ulster Covenant 1912, WWI – 1914, Easter Rising 1916, Partition of Ireland 1921/2 ‘Decade of centenaries’ – Ulster Covenant 1912, WWI – 1914, Easter Rising 1916, Partition of Ireland 1921/2
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Perfect storm? Poorly functioning government, economic depression, reduced job opportunities and depressed business environment, perceived failure to share resources equally, reduced tolerance, increasing levels of corruption as people turn away from institutions legitimised by the state (such as banks), increased emigration reducing human capital and educational underachievement, particularly of working class Protestant boys. As a consequence of this, and combined with the inability to change the parties of Government, there is now a dangerous widespread dissatisfaction in the community with the performance of the institutions as a whole. Need for action to address these underlying social and economic issues. Risk strengthening the feelings of insecurity and hopelessness; the outworking of which could be anger directed at the ‘other’, an increase in sectarianism, an increase in the radicalisation of young people and recruitment to paramilitaries and ultimately a return to violence.
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Post-conflict stalemate? Sinn-Fein – Democratic Unionist Party dynamic Power-sharing or power being shared out between them? Growing disillusion with Stormont/NI Assembly- lack of legislative development Economic recession, joblessness
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Fragmentation of Unionism The fragmentation of the political landscape in terms of Unionist parties demonstrates a lack of political cohesion which some may regard as a sign of weakness when contrasted to the more unified nationalist movement. Presently, we have the DUP, UUP, TUV, PUP, UKIP, NI21, Conservatives, UPRG and Protestant Coalition – not to mention an assortment of independents and the Loyal Orders. The Protestant Unionist Loyalist community has no clear definition of what unites them except opposition to Irish Republicanism, Irish Nationalism and/or a united Ireland?
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The economics of post- conflict Problematically, much of the focus of Government’s economic policy has been on high-level signature projects and infrastructure investment at the expense of any serious attention on grassroots regeneration and investment in people. Titanic Centre - connection with the local people in inner East Belfast has been poor. In this particular example, the Titanic Centre project actually extends beyond simple economic isolation because for the community in East Belfast, where much of the civil unrest emanated from, the shipyard was a highly iconic symbol of working class pride. Turning the area into a ‘museum’ site, designed primarily for tourists and making it financially restrictive for local people to visit, left some in the community disconnected and irritated.
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The flags protests (December 2012 – now) Preceded by 20,000 leaflets distributed in East Belfast by UUP and DUP against the Alliance Party, who a) a)held the balance of power on Belfast city Council and proposed the compromise position of designated days for the flying of the union flag on City Hall and b) b) won the ‘safe unionist’ Westminster seat from the DUP in 2011.
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Loyalty and Britishness The flag is part of the whole machinery of both representing and reproducing political identities and claims on territory. Ironically, what is often regarded as culturally ‘British’ in Northern Ireland is often not shared by many in modern Britain. Unlike Britain, British identity in Northern Ireland is equated by many people with political loyalism. This means, for example, that there is an expectation that for a person to be British they should also support the monarchy, fly the Union Flag and be a member of a marching band.
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Haass-O’Sullivan Process: flags, parading and the past “The union is safe, but unionism isn’t” – Green Party While the flag issue is a symptom indicating much deeper economic and political problems, it does signal the need for a redefinition of what Britishness means in a post-Agreement Northern Ireland? Breakdown of the talks on issue of flags – only the nationalist parties (SF and SDLP) and Alliance agreed with the proposals – UUP and DUP disagreed, so the Haass-O’Sullivan proposals fell
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The Past – On the Runs (OTRs)
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Rethinking Britishness in Post-Agreement NI? What does Britishness mean post-Agreement? How do issues of on-going and underlying socio-economic inequalities, de- industrialisation, lack of educational attainment etc. relate to the on-going ‘crisis of Britishness’ within the PUL community? Should more effort be made to cultivate celebration of other aspects of British heritage such as through recognition of the social democratic and labour movements that help create the British Welfare State post the Second World War? Or, going further back in British history, the Diggers, the Levellers? The Abolitionists, the Suffragettes? Or in terms of Irish identity to recognise the considerable overlap, culture, historical and linguistic hybridity and intertwining of Ireland, Irishnesss and Britain and Britishness.
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What next? Revival of ‘Haass-O’Sullivan’ talks? Movement on socio-economic issues – jobs, welfare reform Desablising effects of democratic elections – 2015 – Westminster elections (East Belfast), 2016- Assembly elections We have elections not politics in Northern Ireland? Will we continue to elect ‘negotiators not legislators’? Without vision the people perish…what is the vision for Northern Ireland in the 21 st Century?
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