1. Alienation Via Anzac: Breann Fallon The University of Sydney breann.fallon@sydney.edu.au 2015 Australian History Association Conference A Survey on the public interaction with and understanding of Anzac as a national and religious phenomenon

2. [W]e know that speakers were selected…and that people chose to assemble for the ceremonies [but] we do not know how attentively they listened…we cannot know how much or how little comfort bereaved people derived from what they heard or saw on the day, or what thoughts and feelings occupied the minutes of silence – blank pages in the book of ritual, which could be filled in... (K.S. Inglis 1998, p. 212)

3. Method Multi-directional Designed Survey Four Sections (1) Demographics (2) Respondent Military History (3) Anzac Day (April 25th) (4) The Anzac Legend Distributed to respondents 16 and over. Distributed in both neutral and commemoration specific locations (The Australian War Memorial, Shopping centres as well as RSL Clubs in both Sydney and the Blue Mountains).

4. The Findings (1) The "Traditional" Anzac Narrative (47%) (2) The Carnivalesque Narrative (3%) (3) The Passive Participation Narrative (34%) (4) The Anti-Anzac Narrative (16%) Previously recognised in scholarship Previously overlooked in scholarship Finding the Worship Paradigm There are four key things I am looking for when analysing these narratives in terms of their religiosity: Veneration of Symbols Ritualistic Performance Communal Essence Ultimacy (how respondents are affected by the above three elements)

5. The "Traditional" Narrative (47%) "It [Anzac] means that we should never forget our diggers, our sacrifice, our history" (Survey 6, 3.12) Demographics 60% Male, 40% Female 70% Christian (no denomination), 23% 'no religion', 7% Atheist 90% born in Australia 73% 'Australian' Family Heritage 81% Family Military History (70% of that WWI or WWII) Venerated Symbols Remembrance (1st most selected) Sacrifice (2nd most selected) Australian Identity (3rd most selected) Sacrifice (4th most selected) Ritualistic Performance Dawn or Day Service (95%) Worship the Fallen (17%) Communal Essence Respondents refer to an "us" Respondents refer to Anzac as a tool of community "cohesion" Community defined by Australian heritage, whiteness and masculinity Ultimacy 86% exhibit changed ultimacy 14% state Anzac is ultimate year- round

6. The Carnivalesque Narrative (3%) "I buy a beer, play two up and pay my respects" (Survey 37, 3.07) Demographics 100% male 100% exhibit family military history 50% Australian, 50% UK born Venerated Symbols The Australian Nation (1st most selected) Sacrifice (2nd most selected) Australian History (3rd most selected) Tradition and Carrying on Tradition (4th most selected) Ritualistic Performance Play Two up (75%) Go to RSL (75%) Watch a Sporting Event (50%) Drink Beer (50%) Communal Essence and Ultimacy Parallel to Traditional Narrative, although manifest via a different worship paradigm Together, with their exhibition of worship paradigms and community connection, the Tradition and Carnivalesque Narratives create a bi- narratival manifestation of Anzac Civil Religion. Although this religion is not ultimate year round and it exclusionary.

7. The Passive Participation Narrative (34%) "The day is about good friends and family" (Survey 53, 3.06) "I prefer to reflect on my own" (Survey 93, 3.03) Demographics 53% male, 47% female 42% aged between 45-54 50% 'no religion' 66% of total cohort indigenous respondents 38% of total cohort immigrant population 34% heritage other than 'Australian' 63% exhibit family military history 0.5% serve/served personally Venerated Symbols Remembrance (1st most selected) Family (2nd most selected) Ritualistic Performance Attend dawn/day service for children's commitments (37%) Make Anzac Biscuits (42%) Gather with family (65%) Have a BBQ (33%) Watch TV (13%) Communal Essence and Ultimacy Majority indicate that their ultimacy does not alter from everyday concerns Not a part of the "Australian" community Focused on privacy The Passive Participation Narrative is set is private spaces, away from major rituals and community. It can thus be argued to be non-religious. However, the individuals of this narrative to spare time on Anzac Day to remember, imparting upon this narrative a sense of sacrality. This narrative is not part of the Anzac Cult, but it does display sacral elements.

8. The Anti-Anzac Narrative (16%) "As a young woman from a mixed cultural background, Anzac Day is hard for me to connect with" (Survey 37, 3.22) "It [Anzac Day] has an unreal sense of history, [its] stupid nationalistic pride, [its] idiots with flags" (Survey 28, 3.12) "I don’t feel a strong affinity” (Survey 109, 3.03) “I have no family members for whom the ceremony is directly relevant" (Survey 27, 3.03) “I have no family members for whom the ceremony is directly relevant" (Survey 27, 3.03) "I used to commemorate Anzac Day, but I have become disgusted with the faux patriotism/jingoism associated with it in the past decade and the commodification and commercialism associated with it” (Survey 92, 3.03) "Too jingoistic" (Survey 37, 3.03) Demographics 53% under 35, 26% 35-55, 21% over 55 68% female, 32% male 47% identified with an ethic heritage other than "Australian" 27% immigrated to Australia 68% exhibited family military history

9. End Remarks Breann Fallon The University of Sydney breann.fallon@sydney.edu.au www.sydney.academia.edu/breannfallon @bre_fallon (twitter) These survey findings indicate that there is no normative interaction with Anzac. Despite popular media and government rhetoric, the majority of survey respondents did not align with the “Traditional” Anzac narrative. These findings show a definitive link between Anzac and the religious - both the “Traditional” and the Carnivalesque narratives display clear worship paradigms. Moreover, while the Passive Participation narrative lacks a distinct worship paradigm, it does display elements of sacrality. The narratives of Passive Participation and Anti-Anzac highlight an understudied interaction with Anzac, one populated by minority groups. This leads to the connection of two terms - “Anzac” and “alienation”. These findings are just a snapshot of the particular cohort I surveyed - the relationship between Australians and Anzac is immensely complex, far beyond the four narratives found in my data. With further surveying, particularly in different areas, I anticipate that the narrative percentiles would alter and new narratives would arise.