1. Constraints on Morphological Borrowing: Evidence from Latin America Ewald Hekking – Querétaro Dik Bakker – Lancaster 1Borrowing Morphology II

2. 2 1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing? 2. Is it possible to copy processes of grammaticalization? 3. Is agglutinative morphology more copiable than fusional morphology? 4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology? 5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology? 6. Is there an inequality for different parts of speech when it comes to morphological borrowing? 7. Is there an inequality for different verbal categories when it comes to morphological borrowing? 8. Are there universal tendencies that allow predictions about the stability of structural features in morpho-syntax? 9. Is shared paradigmatic morphology a conditio-sine-qua-non for genealogical relationship? 10. Is it possible to establish linguistic relationship on the basis of shared morphology alone? 11. Should phonological comparison always precede morphological evidence in matters of genealogical relationship? 12. Is it possible to find tendencies or to set up criteria to distinguish between cognates and copies in bound morphology?

3. 3 Borrowing Morphology II 1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing? 2. Is it possible to copy processes of grammaticalization? 3. Is agglutinative morphology more copiable than fusional morphology? 4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology? 5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology? 6. Is there an inequality for different parts of speech when it comes to morphological borrowing? 7. Is there an inequality for different verbal categories when it comes to morphological borrowing? 8. Are there universal tendencies that allow predictions about the stability of structural features in morpho-syntax? 9. Is shared paradigmatic morphology a conditio-sine-qua-non for genealogical relationship? 10. Is it possible to establish linguistic relationship on the basis of shared morphology alone? 11. Should phonological comparison always precede morphological evidence in matters of genealogical relationship? 12. Is it possible to find tendencies or to set up criteria to distinguish between cognates and copies in bound morphology?

4. Overview Clause Combining in Otomi 4

5. Overview Clause Combining in Otomi 5 1. The Languages

6. Overview Clause Combining in Otomi 6 1. The Languages 2. The Data

7. Overview Clause Combining in Otomi 7 1. The Languages 2. The Data 3. Borrowing from Spanish: general

8. Overview Clause Combining in Otomi 8 1. The Languages 2. The Data 3. Borrowing from Spanish: general 4. Borrowing Of morphology

9. Overview Clause Combining in Otomi 9 1. The Languages 2. The Data 3. Borrowing from Spanish: general 4. Borrowing Of morphology 5. Borrowing With morphology

10. Overview Clause Combining in Otomi 10 1. The Languages 2. The Data 3. Borrowing from Spanish: general 4. Borrowing Of morphology 5. Borrowing With morphology 6. Borrowing And morphology

11. Overview Clause Combining in Otomi 11 1. The Languages 2. The Data 3. Borrowing from Spanish: general 4. Borrowing Of morphology 5. Borrowing With morphology 6. Borrowing And morphology 7. Conclusions

12. 1. The Languages 12 Borrowing Morphology II

13. 13 Otomi Quichua Guarani Spanish

14. Borrowing Morphology II 14 Languages 1. Quechua Andean (Ecuador; Peru) 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers Agglutinating Virtually no prefixes (SOV!) Very many suffixes (Person, TAM, Case)

15. Borrowing Morphology II 15 Languages 2. Guaraní Tupi (Paraguay) Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers Fusional Very many prefixes (Person) Many suffixes (TAM, Case/Postpos)

16. Borrowing Morphology II 16 Languages 3. Otomí Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico) 9 dialects, 250.000 speakers Fusional Prefixes on V and N Many suffixes on V and N Very few A

17. 2. The Data 17 Borrowing Morphology II

18. 18 Data recorded (spoken) Respondents: Dialects: Tokens:

19. Borrowing Morphology II 19 Data recorded Quechua Respondents:38 Dialects:2 Tokens:79,718

20. Borrowing Morphology II 20 Data recorded QuechuaGuaraní Respondents:38 38 Dialects:2 2 Tokens:79,718 57,828

21. Borrowing Morphology II 21 Data recorded QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Respondents:38 3859 Dialects:2 22 Tokens:79,718 57,828110,540

22. Borrowing Morphology II 22 Data recorded QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Respondents:38 3859 Dialects:2 22 Tokens:79,718 57,828110,540

23. 3. Borrowing from Spanish 23 Borrowing Morphology II

24. 24 Borrowing: overall (tokens) Quechua (n=38) Guaraní (n=38) Otomí (n=59) Mimimum4.0%5.7%6.7% Maximum27.0%28.5%26.0% Mean18.9%17.4%14.1% SD8.926.423.97

25. Borrowing Morphology II 25 Borrowing: overall (tokens) QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Mimimum4.0%5.7%6.7% Maximum27.0%28.5%26.0% Mean18.9%17.4%14.1% SD8.926.423.97

26. Borrowing Morphology II 26 Borrowing: overall (tokens) QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Mimimum4.0%5.7%6.7% Maximum27.0%28.5%26.0% Mean18.9%17.4%14.1% SD8.926.423.97

27. Borrowing Morphology II 27 Borrowing: overall (tokens) QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Mimimum4.0%5.7%6.7% Maximum27.0%28.5%26.0% Mean18.9%17.4%14.1% SD8.926.423.97

28. Borrowing Morphology II 28 Borrowing: overall (tokens) QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Mimimum4.0%5.7%6.7% Maximum27.0%28.5%26.0% Mean18.9%17.4%14.1% SD8.926.423.97 >>

29. Borrowing Morphology II 29 Borrowing: overall (tokens) QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Mimimum4.0%5.7%6.7% Maximum27.0%28.5%26.0% Mean18.9%17.4%14.1% SD8.926.423.97 Significant at 0.5% Same for 2 dialects >>

30. Borrowing Morphology II 30 Borrowing: Grammatical QuechuaGuaraníOtomí Preposition0.5% 21.2% Article0.0% 19.4% 0.0% Discourse Marker 0.6%0.8%6.5% Subordinator 1.6%4.6%6.1% …………

31. 4. Borrowing OF Morphology 31 Borrowing Morphology II

32. 32 Spanish affixes on native lexemes - - Spanish Prefix Suffix

33. Borrowing Morphology II 33 Spanish affixes on native lexemes - - SpanishQuechua Prefix - Suffix -

34. Borrowing Morphology II 34 Spanish affixes on native lexemes - - SpanishQuechuaGuarani Prefix - - Suffix - -

35. Borrowing Morphology II 35 Spanish affixes on native lexemes - - SpanishQuechuaGuaraniOtomi Prefix - - - Suffix - - -

36. Borrowing Morphology II 36 Spanish affixes on native lexemes - - SpanishQuechuaGuaraniOtomi Prefix - - - Suffix - - - No systematic borrowing of Spanish morphology on native elements …

37. Borrowing Morphology II 37 Exceptions confirm the rule … - - Otomi: ‘betograndchild ‘betagranddaughter (Sp. –a [+F])

38. Borrowing Morphology II 38 Exceptions confirm the rule … - - Otomi: ‘betograndchild ‘betagranddaughter (Sp. –a [+F]) (but often gender mistakes when speaking Spanish)

39. 4. Borrowing WITH Morphology 39 Borrowing Morphology II

40. 40 N borrowed with morphology - -

41. Borrowing Morphology II 41 N borrowed with morphology - - Spanish -(e)s (PL)

42. Borrowing Morphology II 42 N borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechua -s (PL)160 (2.5% of borrowed nouns), 7 also + –kuna

43. Borrowing Morphology II 43 N borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechua -s (PL)160 (2.5%), 7 + –kuna - almost all occur also without –s: ‘compadre(s)’ ‘compañera(s)’...

44. Borrowing Morphology II 44 N borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechuaGuaraniOtomi -s (PL)160 (2.5%)78

45. Borrowing Morphology II 45 N borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechuaGuaraniOtomi -s (PL)160 (2.5%)7 LEXICAL (cf. ‘habas’) 8

46. Borrowing Morphology II 46 N borrowed with morphology - - Spanish -s (PL) -dor (AG)+ -ito/-illo (DIM)+++

47. Borrowing Morphology II 47 N borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechuaGuaraniOtomi -s (PL) -dor (AG) -ito/-illo (DIM) 160 22 (types) 6 (types) 7 10 (types) 3 (types) 8 1 (types)

48. Borrowing Morphology II 48 N borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechuaGuaraniOtomi -s (PL) -dor (AG) -ito/-illo (DIM) 160 22 (types) 6 (types) 7 10 (types) 3 (types) LEXICAL 8 1 (types)

49. Borrowing Morphology II 49 V borrowed with morphology - - Spanish -ar -er -ir

50. Borrowing Morphology II 50 V borrowed with morphology - - Spanish -ar GENERAL: -er Infinitive -ir

51. Borrowing Morphology II 51 V borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQueGuaOtomi -ar -er -ir -a -e -i -a/ -á -e / -é -i / -í -a -e fast majority (> 80%) -i

52. Borrowing Morphology II 52 V borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQueGuaOtomi -ar -er -ir -a -e / -i -i / -e -a/ -á -e / -é -i / -í -a -e in Que only /i/ -i

53. Borrowing Morphology II 53 V borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQueGuaOtomi -ar -er -ir -a -e / -i -i / -e -a/ -á -e / -é -i / -í -a Highly freq V: -e stem of 3 rd SG (diphtong / e-i) -i

54. Borrowing Morphology II 54 A borrowed with morphology - - Spanish -o (M) -a (F) -os (M.PL) -as (F.PL)

55. Borrowing Morphology II 55 A borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechua -o (M) -a (F) -os (M.PL) -as (F.PL) 560 (260 typ) 105 (60 typ) 6 (4 typ) -

56. Borrowing Morphology II 56 A borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechua NO Gender -o (M) -a (F) -os (M.PL) -as (F.PL) 560 (260 typ) 105 (60 typ) 67% Attributive, rest N Agr SP [+F], QUE [+FEMALE] 6 (4 typ) -

57. Borrowing Morphology II 57 A borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechuaGuarani -o (M) -a (F) -os (M.PL) -as (F.PL) 560 (260) 105 (60) 6 (4) - 500 (220 typ) 90 (45 typ) -

58. Borrowing Morphology II 58 A borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechuaGuarani NO Gender -o (M) -a (F) -os (M.PL) -as (F.PL) 560 (260) 105 (60) 6 (4) - 500 (220 typ) 90 (45 typ) 75% Attrib, rest N Agr SP [+F], GUA [+FEMALE] -

59. Borrowing Morphology II 59 A borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechuaGuaraniOtomi NO A, NO Gender -o (M) -a (F) -os (M.PL) -as (F.PL) 560 (260) 105 (60) 6 (4) - 500 (220) 90 (45) - 100 (20) 6 (3) = Noun -

60. Borrowing Morphology II 60 A borrowed with morphology - - Spanish Stem + -a + -mente  ADV (mode) ‘economico’  ‘economic-a-mente’

61. Borrowing Morphology II 61 A borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechua A ≈ Adv -amente61 (29 typ: 16 also used as bare A)

62. Borrowing Morphology II 62 A borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechuaGuarani A ≈ Adv -amente61 (29:16)582 (46 typ: 18 bare A)

63. Borrowing Morphology II 63 A borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechuaGuarani A ≈ Adv -amente61 (29:16)582 (46 typ: 18 bare A) No rule: A + afx  Adv

64. Borrowing Morphology II 64 A borrowed with morphology - - SpanishQuechuaGuaraniOtomi NO A -amente61 (29:16)582 (46:18) 15 (6:0) > LEX

65. Borrowing Morphology II 65 Spanish borrowed with morphology - - Potential ‘Trojan Horses’:

66. Borrowing Morphology II 66 Spanish borrowed with morphology - - Potential ‘Trojan Horses’: N:‘-s’ [PL] (Que)

67. Borrowing Morphology II 67 Spanish borrowed with morphology - - Potential ‘Trojan Horses’: N:‘-s’ [PL] (Que) A:‘-mente’ [  ADV] (Que, Gua)

68. Borrowing Morphology II 68 Spanish borrowed with morphology - - Potential ‘Trojan Horses’: N:‘-s’ [PL] (Que) A:‘-mente’ [  ADV] (Que, Gua) A:‘-a’ [F] (Que, Gua): only [FEMALE]

69. Borrowing Morphology II 69 Spanish borrowed with morphology - - Potential ‘Trojan Horses’: N:‘-s’ [PL] (Que) A:‘-mente’ [  ADV] (Que, Gua) A:‘-a’ [F] (Que, Gua): only [FEMALE] IS THAT ALL THERE IS?!

70. 6. Borrowing AND Morphology 70 Borrowing Morphology II

71. 71 Borrowing and Morphology - - To what extent do borrowed lexemes interact with native morphology?

72. Borrowing Morphology II 72 Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans -

73. Borrowing Morphology II 73 Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans - Noun Prefix0.7% Suffix66.9%

74. Borrowing Morphology II 74 Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans - NounVerb Prefix0.7%0.0% Suffix66.9%99.9%

75. Borrowing Morphology II 75 Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans - NounVerbAdjective Prefix0.7%0.0% Suffix66.9%99.9%37.1%

76. Borrowing Morphology II 76 Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans - NounVerbAdj Prefix0.7%0.0% Suffix66.9%99.9%37.1% Almost exclusively suffixing language

77. Borrowing Morphology II 77 Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans - NounVerbAdj Prefix0.7%0.0% Suffix66.9%99.9%37.1% Almost exclusively suffixing - No apparent morphological constraints on borrowed V, N and A

78. Borrowing Morphology II 78 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans -

79. Borrowing Morphology II 79 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans - Noun Prefix7.3% Suffix28.5%

80. Borrowing Morphology II 80 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans - NounVerb Prefix7.3%95.4% Suffix28.5%32.0%

81. Borrowing Morphology II 81 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans - NounVerbAdjective Prefix7.3%95.4%11.3% Suffix28.5%32.0%21.2%

82. Borrowing Morphology II 82 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans - NounVerbAdj Prefix7.3%95.4%11.3% Suffix28.5%32.0%21.2% Most Person markers

83. Borrowing Morphology II 83 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans - NounVerbAdj Prefix7.3%95.4%11.3% Suffix28.5%32.0%21.2% Topic/Focus TAM markers Rel markers

84. Borrowing Morphology II 84 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans - NounVerbAdj Prefix7.3%95.4%11.3% Suffix28.5%32.0%21.2% Many person markers ( N ~ A )

85. Borrowing Morphology II 85 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans NounVerbAdj Prefix7.3%95.4%11.3% Suffix28.5%32.0%21.2% Many postpositions PL marker ( N ~ A )

86. Borrowing Morphology II 86 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans NounVerbAdj Prefix7.3%95.4%11.3% Suffix28.5%32.0%21.2% No constraints detected but: often less fused than on native N/A

87. Borrowing Morphology II 87 Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans -

88. Borrowing Morphology II 88 Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans - Noun Prefix6.0% Suffix7.2%

89. Borrowing Morphology II 89 Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans - NounVerb Prefix6.0%1.6% Suffix7.2%25.0%

90. Borrowing Morphology II 90 Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans - NounVerb Prefix6.0%1.6% Suffix7.2%34.0% Most affixes of native N & V but several constraints on loan verbs:

91. Borrowing Morphology II 91 Otomi morphology and Spanish loans - - 1. Markers on verbs:

92. Borrowing Morphology II 92 Otomi morphology and Spanish loans - - 1. Markers on verbs: A. Proclitics: Tense, Person

93. Borrowing Morphology II 93 Otomi morphology and Spanish loans - - 1. Markers on verbs: A. Proclitics: Tense, Person On Otomi verbs:24 ( > 90% of the verbs) On loan verbs:13 (64% of the verbs)

94. Borrowing Morphology II 94 Otomi morphology and Spanish loans - - 1. Markers on verbs: B. Suffixes: OBJ, IOBJ, DEIXIS, EMPH,...

95. Borrowing Morphology II 95 Otomi morphology and Spanish loans - - 1. Markers on verbs: B. Suffixes: OBJ, IOBJ, DEIXIS, EMPH, … On Otomi verbs:27 ( > 80% verbs) On loan verbs:20 (34% of verbs)

96. Borrowing Morphology II 96 Otomi morphology and Spanish loans - - 2. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs in Past.3SG:

97. Borrowing Morphology II 97 Otomi morphology and Spanish loans - - 2. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs in Past.3SG: pa ‘sell’  ma tai‘buy’  dai poni‘leave’  boni ähä‘sleep’  ‘ñähä

98. Borrowing Morphology II 98 Otomi morphology and Spanish loans - - 2. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs in Past.3SG: pa ‘sell’  ma tai‘buy’  dai poni‘leave’  boni ähä‘sleep’  ‘ñähä Never on Spanish loan verbs

99. Borrowing Morphology II 99 Otomi morphology and Spanish loans - - 3. No use of impersonal constructions, which are rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / ‘- /h- / n-:

100. Borrowing Morphology II 100 Otomi morphology and Spanish loans - - 3. No use of impersonal constructions, which are rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / ‘- /h- / n-: honi‘look for’  thoni pa‘sell’  ‘ba ne‘need’  hne jut’i‘pay’  njut’i

101. Borrowing Morphology II 101 Otomi morphology and Spanish loans - - 3. No use of impersonal constructions, which are rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / ‘- /h- / n-: honi‘look for’  thoni pa‘sell’  ‘ba ne‘need’  hne jut’i‘pay’  njut’I 1 example: ‘h-mända’

102. 7. Conclusion 102 Borrowing Morphology II

103. 103 Spanish morphology on native stems - - - There is no evidence for any Spanish morphology employed productively on native stems in Quechua, Guarani or Otomi.

104. Borrowing Morphology II 104 Spanish morphology on loans: Noun - - - Spanish nouns may be borrowed with inflectional plural /-s/. In Quechua, this seems to replace the native plural /–kuna/ in those constructions. In Guarani and Otomi it seems to be lexical.

105. Borrowing Morphology II 105 Spanish morphology on loans: Noun - - - Spanish nouns may be borrowed with inflectional plural /-s/. In Quechua, this seems to replace the native plural /–kuna/ in those constructions. In Guarani and Otomi it seems to be lexical. - Spanish nouns may be borrowed with derivational suffixes (+Ag, +Dim), mainly in Quechua, and less so Guarani, but these are arguably lexical.

106. Borrowing Morphology II 106 Spanish morphology on loans: Verb - - - All three languages borrow Spanish verbs with the morphologically relevant stem vowel (-a/-e/-i).

107. Borrowing Morphology II 107 Spanish morphology on loans: Verb - - - All three languages borrow Spanish verbs with the morphologically relevant stem vowel (-a/-e/-i). - This is consistently so for Quechua and Guarani, but less so for Otomi (diphtong / e-i).

108. Borrowing Morphology II 108 Spanish morphology on loans: Verb - - - All three languages borrow Spanish verbs with the morphologically relevant stem vowel (-a/-e/-i). - This is consistently so for Quechua and Guarani, but less so for Otomi (diphtong). - No verbal morphology seems to be in transfer.

109. Borrowing Morphology II 109 Spanish morphology on loans: Adj - - - Spanish adjectives regularly have the feminine suffix /-a/ in Quechua and Guarani. Some are nominalizations, more often they modify a Spanish [+F] noun, or a native noun representing a female referent. May be productive in Quechua and Guarani.

110. Borrowing Morphology II 110 Spanish morphology on loans: Adj - - - Spanish adjectives regularly have the feminine suffix /-a/ in Quechua and Guarani. Some are nominalizations, more often they modify a Spanish [+F] noun, or a native noun representing a female referent. May be productive in Quechua and Guarani. - Adverb derivation with –mente is rather regular in Quechua, and to some extent also in Guarani.

111. Borrowing Morphology II 111 Native morphology on loans - - - In Quechua, borrowed Spanish N, V and A are fully morphologically integrated: they get all relevant suffixes in the context.

112. Borrowing Morphology II 112 Native morphology on loans - - - In Quechua, borrowed Spanish N, V and A are fully morphologically integrated: they get all relevant suffixes in the context. - In Guarani, borrowed N, V and A get all native prefixes and suffixes. For V they are fused, for N and A less so.

113. Borrowing Morphology II 113 Native morphology on loans - - - In Quechua, borrowed Spanish N, V and A are fully morphologically integrated: they get all relevant suffixes in the context. - In Guarani, borrowed N, V and A get all native prefixes and suffixes. For V they are fused, for N and A less so. - In Otomi, there are several morphophonological constraints on the full integration of borrowed lexemes.

114. 114 Borrowing Morphology II 1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing?  VERY STRONG

115. 115 Borrowing Morphology II 1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing?  VERY STRONG 4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology?  PROBABLY

116. 116 Borrowing Morphology II 1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing?  VERY STRONG 4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology?  PROBABLY 5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology?  YES

117. 117 Borrowing Morphology II 1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing?  VERY STRONG 4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology?  PROBABLY 5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology?  YES 6. Is there an inequality for different parts of speech when it comes to morphological borrowing?  YES: N, A > V

118. 118 Borrowing Morphology II 1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing?  VERY STRONG 4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology?  PROBABLY 5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology?  YES 6. Is there an inequality for different parts of speech when it comes to morphological borrowing?  YES: N, A > V 7. Is there an inequality for different verbal categories when it comes to morphological borrowing?  PROBABLY: DERIVATIONAL > INFLECTIONAL (-DOR)

119. Borrowing Morphology II119 ?