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Min Pun, Ph.D. Tribhuvan University, PN Campus
LECTURE – 5 Janjati MA 2nd Year (English) “The Janjati and the Nepali State: Aspects of Identity and Integration” Karl-Heinz Krämer Min Pun, Ph.D. Tribhuvan University, PN Campus
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THE AUTHOR: Karl-Heinz Krämer
Krämer works at the Department of Political Science of South Asia, South Asia Institute, University of Heidelberg, Germany. He is a well-known researcher and scholar, speaks on the Nepal’s democratic transformation. Founded in 1962 the South Asia Institute (SAI) of Heidelberg University (Germany) is an interdisciplinary research and teaching centre focusing on South Asia (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka).
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THE BOOK: Ethnic Revival and Religious Turmoil: Identities and Representations in the Himalayas
Ethnic Revival and Religious Turmoil: Identities and Representations in the Himalayas, published in 2003, is a collection of research articles, edited by Marie Lecomte-Tilouine and Pascale Dollfus. The book deals with the multi-ethnic and multi-caste communities of the Himalayan region, which are today witnessing the revival of ethnic and religious consciousness leading to widespread social and political upheaval. This book engages with the rapid social change and acute religious and identity crises that have emerged from Gilgit in Pakistan to eastern Nepal.
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The book asks if the rise of tribal groups within the region and elaborate caste system is indicative of an opposition to the nation-state or is a sign of modernity. How are matters of ethnic identity defined and used today? And further, have representations of collective identity and a sense of ethnic belonging changed? In answering these questions, the authors explore representations of the self and the other among the regional and social groups through spatial, historical, and cultural prisms.
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THE ARTICLE: “The Janjati and the Nepali State: Aspects of Identity and Integration”
This article “The Janjati and the Nepali State: Aspects of Identity and Integration” by Kramer is a chapter in the book Ethnic Revival and Religious Turmoil. The article deals with the issues of ethnic identity that especially emerged after the restoration of democracy in 1990 in Nepal.
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THE UNIFICATION OF NEPAL BY PRITHVI NARAYAN SHAH AND THE QUESTION OF ETHNIC (JANJATI) IDENTITY
According to Kramer, ethnic groups argue that after the unification of Nepal by Prithvi Narayan Shah, Nepal has been the playground of high caste Hindu elite group. Since then, ethnic groups and lower Hindu caste were marginalized and prevented from active political participation. The status was legalized by the Muluki Ain of and was further intensified by the Panchayat system of King Mahendra. But in the 1970s and 80s, the growing self- consciousness of ethnic elite led to the formation of various ethnic organizations.
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For example, students’ riot in 1979, National Referendum in 1980 and the formation of Sarvajati Adhikar Manch (Forum for the Rights of All Nationalities) in 1986 were some of the examples of ethnic movements. Peoples’ movement for restoration of democracy in 1990, which gave rise to the formation of Vividh Dharma, Bhasha, Jati tatha Janjati Sangharsha Samiti (Various Religions, Languages and Nationalities Action Committee). The main purpose was to change the political system that included socio-political modifications and economic participation.
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The 1990 political change opened up ways for ethnic groups to preserve cultural values and to fight for equal rights and participation in the Nepali state. There are criteria for the claim of the cultural values (ethnic identity)of ethnic groups. They are race, language, religion and territory. By using them, they can rewrite their history to claim that they are also a part of the modern Nepali state. Though modern Nepali state recognized the multiethnicity of its society, there is no participation of ethnic groups in the decision-making bodies, political parties and constitution drafting commission.
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WHAT IS ETHIC IDENTITY, THEN?
Ethnic = Belonging to a particular race or group of people who have a culture that is different from the main culture of a country. Ethnic Group = An ethnic group is one whose members share a distinct awareness of a common cultural identity. Ethnicity = Ethnicity means cultural values or norms that distinguish the members of a given community from another. Ethnic identity = Ethnic identity refers to a sense of belonging to an ethnic group whose members have a shared social and cultural experiences or ancestry.
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ETHNIC GROUPS ON ETHNIC IDENTITY: What They Say?
There are factors (race, religion, language and territory) upon which ethnic groups claim their identity to be restored: Race – Their first condition/norm is that of race. Majority of ethnic groups belong to the Tibeto-Mongolian race. Only a few Tarai ethnic groups who belong to Indian Mundas or Southeast Asian groups. Ethnic groups claim that on the basis of differences of race from the high Hindu castes who dominate other ethnic groups in politics, society and economy.
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Religion – The second condition is that of religion
Religion – The second condition is that of religion. Before the restoration democracy in 1990, Nepal was declared as a Hindu state. The ethnic elites regard this legalization of a particular religion as the main cause of all inequalities in politics, economy and society. This is the point from where the difference from the country’s ruling elite begins because religion is one of the fundamental pillars of ethnic culture, that is, Buddhism. Language – The third norm is that of language. The ethnic elites demand an equal treatment of all languages in education, administration, judiciary and the media because Nepali language is a foreign or secondary language for almost 50 percent of the population. Majority of ethnic groups speak Tibeto- Burman languages that differ from the Indo-European language, Nepali. So the Nepali state has used Nepali language as a tool to enforce its Hindu politics.
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Territory – The fourth criterion is that of territory
Territory – The fourth criterion is that of territory. Ethnic groups claim that they are deprived of their ethnic territories and distributed to the members of high Hindu caste. Ethnic territories such as Limbuwan, Tamuwan, Mangarat, Tharuwan and Tamsaling are some examples. So ethnic groups want their history back to the discussion of Nepali state. This argument is a political one. If the ethnic organizations talk about history, not only they want their own history but they also want the history of Nepali state. Ethnic groups also argue that the integration of the different people of the country is only possible of all ethnic groups are treated equally. The history books available at present are the history of the ruling elite. So there is no representations of ethnic groups; they are non-existent in their books.
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The following are some of the examples of injustices inflicted upon the ethnic groups by the ruling elite in the past: Deprivation of ethnic territories by the Nepali state Allocation of ethnic territories in favour of members of Hindu high castes, Enslavement, subjugation, and indebtedness of once autonomous and self-sufficient ethnic peasants, Systematic decomposition and dissolution of ethnic areas by settlement of members of Hindu high castes, Deliberate cutting of ethnic areas by arbitrary drawing up of administrative borders,
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Social and judicial incapacitation of ethnic groups by the discriminating law code of the Muluki Ain, Introduction of caste values and prejudices into ethnic communities, which (with the sole exception of the Newars) had casteless societies before, Withholding of every kind of education, Exclusion from all government offices, Non-participation in the politics and administration of the country, Destruction of ethnic culture by perpetual state politics of Hinduization. By setting the ethnic arguments such as race, language, religion and territory into the historical framework, the ethnic groups have forgotten the cultural aspects and become political.
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CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS ON ETHNIC IDENTITY
The constitution of Nepal is not free from discriminating the ethnic groups. There are instances of as such. Article 2 of the 1990 new constitution declares that all “Nepali people, irrespective of religion, race, caste or tribe collectively constitute the nation (rastra)”. But Article 4(1) contradicts the above provision by saying that Nepal is a multiethnic and multilingual state but it also defines the country as a Hindu kingdom (Hindu adhirajya).
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From the above 2 provisions, it should be noted that the state’s politics of nationalism should be reconsidered. It needs to be corrected since the constitution excludes an important part of its citizens. A number of symbols are still used in the constitution. For instance, the flag and the military tag define different aspects of Hindu myths and society. Similarly, in the Article 6, it is mentioned that Nepali as the language of the nation. According to 1991 census, Nepali is the mother tongue of 53 percent population, but for others Nepali is a foreign language though we need a common language.
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So the ethnic elites regard this national language, Nepali language, as another form of Hindu high caste domination. The constitution has also declared other languages as national languages but they are not in practice. There are instances of prohibition of using ethnic languages (e.g. DDC of Kathmandu, Dhanusa, and Rajbiraj for Newari and Maithili). Positively, Radio Nepal started transmitting short news in ethnic languages and Nepal Academy started publishing books in ethnic languages as well.
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If the Article 112(3) is taken as an example that denies the recognition of any political parties or organizations formed on the basis of religion, community, castes, tribe, or religion. This provision regards all non- Hindu alignment as communal, but the provision is in favour of high ruling elites. But in 2008, the constitution has declared Nepal as a secular state. This is not mentioned by Kramer because the article was written before the drafting of republican constitution in 2008.
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GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL PARTIES ON ETHNIC IDENTITY
According to Kramer, the Nepali governments and political parties have always been dominated by members of the upper Hindu castes, especially by Brahmins. Prithvi Narayan Shah and his successors established their power with the help of Brahmin and Chhetri families who enjoyed political and economic benefits in return. When a new autocracy started with Ranas, the upper Hindu caste families settled in Tarai and India and founded political parties like Nepali Congress and Nepal Communist Party in India
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In the 1950s, there was a short time democratic government under these parties and later King Mahendra established a royal power of 30 years that could not involve a larger section of Nepali society in the political process. With the restoration of democracy in 1990, the political parties mostly dominated by a handful of upper Hindu castes. For example, in 1991, 37 percent of the Nepali Congress candidates and 48 percent of the CPN-UML were Brahmins; 22 percent of NC and 16 percent of UML were chhetries. According to census 1991, Brahmins have a share of 13 percent of the total population and Chhetries have a share 16 percent of the total population.
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The ethnic organizations have also criticized the government bodies such as Upper House and Lower House (Rastriya Sabha and Pratinidhi Sabha) in which in each body around 40 percent of its members were Brahmins. This figure shows that there is no equal representation in the government as well. So the ethnic organizations want fundamental changes in state and society. Though there is poverty and socio-religious inequalities, the marginalized group of Nepali society wants a share of political representation. The leading political party leaders who belong to upper Hindu castes think that by continuing the Hindu state, they can enjoy elite privilege and continue to hold power.
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CONCLUSION: THE PROBLEM OF INTEGRATION
According to Kramer, there are two problems of integration among the high Hindu castes and ethnic groups: 1) Lack of empathy outside ethnic groups 2) All sectors are dominated by members of high Hindu castes, especially Brahmins, e.g. political parties, media, government, civil service, human rights organizations, etc.
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Though ethnic groups still lack integration and participation in the modern Nepali democratic state, their situation has improved as compared to the time of Panchayat system. Since Nepal is a multiethnic, multilingual and multicultural nation, only solution to the ongoing problem is to bring an end to the Hindu state and to declare Nepal as multiethnic country by politics of integration and equal treatment of all groups of the Nepali society.
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Dr. Min Pun minpun@gmail.com www.minpun.com.np
Associate Professor, Department of English Tribhuvan University, PN Campus, Pokhara
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