1. Young people, race, religion and migration: negotiating everyday geopolitics Geographical Association Annual Conference University of Surrey April 2017 Inclusive Geographies?
Peter Hopkins
Professor of Social Geography
School of Geography, Politics and Sociology
Newcastle University, England UK
@hopkinspeter1

2. Inclusive Geographies?
Is school geography inclusive, for teachers and students, and how can it be made more so?
How can we extend the reach of the subject and support the development of the interface between school and academic geography?
How can school geography support young people’s engagement with and participation in matters of local-global significance?
By focusing on the lived experiences of young people – our students – and the matters that are important to their everyday geographies?

3. Everyday geopolitics: faith, ethnicity, place
To explore the issue of Islamophobia in relation to the experiences of ‘non-Muslim’ and Muslim youths (aged 12-25) in Scotland who are targeted because they look Muslim (Alexander, 2004) and to explain how different religious, ethnic and minoritised youth experience and understand Islamophobia, and the impact of this on community relations, social cohesion and integration.
To analyse these experiences within a framework that takes cognisance of the intersectionality of ethnicity with other relevant positionalities such as religion, gender, social class and locality.
To detail how young people understand and negotiate ‘everyday geopolitics’.
To problematise polarised discourses which see young people as either politically disengaged and apathetic or politically radicalised and extreme.
How the category of ‘being Muslim’ is transplanted onto a range of diverse groups as a result of their ethnic, racial and perceived religious positioning in what amounts to being misrecognised.
How the category of ‘religious’ in inflected by other social categories – in particular race and ethnicity – the racialisation of religion. Or, how it is actually other categories (and not religion) that are at play.
Challenge of particular disciplines and how they think about, or use, the religious and the secular. Also, the challenge of how these are understood in different contexts and by different actors. E.g schools (headteachers, teachers and how they understand this), universities (academic staff), in politics (by politicians, etc)
Researchers need to be aware of the complexities of ‘the religious’ and ‘the secular’ in order to be able to explore, question and interrogate these when they are used by participants in the field (in order to clarify their meaning etc).

4. Some of the underpinning ideas…
Everyday geopolitics
How international, national and local political events shape the everyday experiences of young people
Intersectionality
Intersecting forms of identification and oppression experienced by young people
How is this geography?
A focus upon geopolitics, interrelationships between society and space and scale

5. Scale and geographical debates
Up until 1980s, geographers took scales for granted and worked with an ‘unproblematic, pre-given and fixed hierarchy of bounded spaces’ (Delaney and Leitner, 1997: 93).
Therefore, scales such as ‘the regional’, ‘the geography of Canada’ and ‘the urban’ were taken as fixed, unproblematic and given.
‘Scales’ are not given but made:
… the construction of scale is a social process, i.e., scale is produced in and through societal activity which, in turn, produces and is produced by geographical structures of social interaction [and] the production of geographical scale is the site of a potentially intense political struggle (Smith, 1993: 97).
In general then, much of the early work in geography took scales for granted and worked with an ‘unproblematic, pre-given and fixed hierarchy of bounded spaces’ (Delaney and Leitner, 1997: 93). A number of early publications in geography focused upon particular scales and did so in a fixed and unproblematic way.

6. Interconnected scales at which relationships operate
GLOBAL
SUPRANATIONAL
NATIONAL
URBAN
COMMUNITY
NEIGHBOURHOOD
LOCAL
STREET
HOME
BODY

7. Society and space Society:
Social groups (e.g. women, young people, ethnic minority groups)
Social divisions (e.g. based on employment, education, wealth)
Institutions that structure social relations (e.g. schools, workplace, health centres)
Set of occasions, events and occurrences that foster social interaction (e.g. parties, protests, music festivals)
Space:
Bounded unit in which events occur and objects are placed in?
The localities which people negotiate everyday – the home, street, public space, workplace, city etc?
Different spatial scales from the body and home through to the global and transnational?
Representations of space, spaces of representations and spatial practices?

8. Society-Space
The complex sets of relationships between societies and the spaces in which social relations take place
Society-Space as relational – each gives meaning to the other
Framework for understanding society-space:
From society to space
The spatial construction of society
Thirdspace

9. From society to space
The spatial construction of society
Spaces are scientific and geometric, filled with an accumulation of social facts, providing an accurate but simplified representation of a more complex ‘real’ world.
Spaces have a material reality and a symbolic significance and can take on a life of their own. Spatial patterns express but also shape social relations.
Geographies that are concrete, quantifiable and mappable.
Geographies that are negotiated and struggled over.
An explanatory framework which regards spatial patterns as an index and an outcome of social and political processes.
An explanatory framework which regards spatial patterns as informing and interacting with socio-economic processes.
Social categories and social identities are given. The social distances between groups are expressed in spatial separation; social interaction is signalled by spatial integration.
Social categories and identities are constructed through spatially discriminatory material practices (markets, institutions, systems of resource allocation) and cultural politics (struggles to control imaginations).

10. From society to space …
Simple approach that sees spatial organisation of society as a reflection of social divisions.
Common-sense appeal

11. Limitations …
Socially constructed categories are taken as real and fixed.
Spatial organisation is (inaccurately) assumed to measure social issues.
Social categories are taken for granted.

12. Spatial construction of society
Human geographers became interested in the difference that space makes to social processes and social identities
Spatial patterns express but also shape social relations; space constructs society
Where marginal groups live reflects unequal histories and actively affects future opportunities.
These processes are material (i.e. involve things) and also form enduring images.

13. Limitations …
Social categories being socially constructed but reinforced by binary thinking.
Challenge of being forced to work with categories or processes which we are also trying to challenge.
Continues to see social categories relative to each other and tends to focus on marginalised ‘others’.

14. Blending two approaches
A simple approach sees spatial organisation of society as a reflection of social divisions.
A more sophisticated approach considers the difference that space makes to social processes and social identities
These relationships between society and space take place over a variety of geographic scales and timescales
Space and Society do not merely interact with or reflect each other but are mutually constitutive
SOCIETY SPACE

15. How we did the research…
Access through schools, universities, colleges, religious groups community and voluntary organisations
Qualitative approach:
Stakeholder interviews
Focus group discussions (with participatory diagramming) and individual interviews with young people
Young people aged from different ‘visible minority’ communities
Muslims
Non-Muslim South Asians
Asylum seekers and refugees
Central and Eastern European Migrants
International Students
White Scottish
45 focus groups and 223 interviews across urban, suburban and rural Scotland.

16. Why a qualitative approach?
Qualitative methods do not start from the assumption that there is a pre-existing world that can be known – instead the social world is changing and constantly being made and remade.
We were interested in exploring the social worlds of the young people involved in the research.
What are qualitative methods good for?
Identifying unanticipated phenomena and influences, and generating new grounded theories about the latter.
Understanding the process by which events and actions take place.
Developing causal explanations.
Adding richness and depth to quantitative data/explanations
Informing and/or clarifying approach to, or response to, policy formation and changes.

18. National identity
The Independence debate acted as a catalyst for young people to reflect on what it meant to them to be Scottish; many felt that Scotland was a ‘fair society’ that was ‘diverse’ and ‘friendly’.
Young people affiliated with Scotland and Scottishness irrespective of their ethnic and religious heritage; however, experiences of racism in public spaces sometimes eroded this and made them feel excluded and alienated.
Young people often pointed out that national identity was only one aspect of their identity with faith, ethnicity and cultural heritage also being important. Many young people also reflected on their transnational and hybrid identities.
Young people talked about important locations that nurtured a sense of Scottishness including urban areas and educational sites.

19. Spaces and places where young people felt more Scottish
Many refugees and asylum seekers, for example, felt a strong sense of belonging in the cities that they had been dispersed to since they felt safe in comparison to their home countries. Celia (female, 22-25, Kurdish refugee, Glasgow) : ‘I feel Glaswegian more than I feel Scottish’.
Schools were viewed as fostering a sense of Scottishness through mixed peer group interactions and teacher interventions, although this varied from school to school with private schools perceived to be more internationally focused.

20. Spaces and places where young people felt more Scottish
The private spaces and intergenerational relationships of the home complicated national identities. Maalik (male, 16-18, Pakistani refugee, Muslim, Fife) - ‘I feel Scottish with my friends and you know the way we talk. Soon as I come back home, speaking in Urdu and you know it’s like I’m back in Pakistan”.
In some public and institutional spaces, young people’s experiences of racism and Islamophobia influenced their sense of belonging and claims to Scottishness. As Shelina, (female, 22-25, British Bangladeshi, Muslim, Dundee) says, ‘They have said ‘go back to your own country’ and I’m like ‘this is my country I’ve been, I’ve been living here all my life’.

21. Migration and mobility
Young people’s experiences of migration led them to have multiple understandings of ‘home’
Language was a key barrier for migrant young people including for their parent’s generation.
Migration heritages are important to young people’s sense of identity and experience
Many young people talked positively about immigration and supported pro-migration policies in Scotland, however, they also recognised the negative impact of the media on immigration discourse, including personal experience of ‘securitization’

22. Migration and mobility
Young people’s mobility led to various expressions of belonging and multiple and shifting ideas about ‘home’. For those participants not born in Scotland, life in Scotland was frequently compared with life ‘back home’.
For refugees and asylum seekers Scotland was often viewed as both safer and fairer than their home countries. Here Aziz talks about growing up in Inverness compared to South Africa: ‘We know we’re safe and secure, you know whereas in South Africa we would think, ‘you know what I’m definitely not going out after 7 o’ clock’ you know’ (male, 16-18, Indian South African, Muslim, Inverness)

23. Migration experiences depended on a range of factors, including duration of stay in Scotland, English language skills, access to spaces of integration and intercultural encounters. Language was seen to be a key barrier for new migrants.
Second generation migrants also discussed the challenges their parents continue to experience in ‘meaningful communication’ with service providers, such as health practitioners. For example, Preet (female, 16-18, British Indian, Sikh, Edinburgh) suggests when talking about her mother’s experiences at the doctor:
‘Even now I still think there is a slight gap ‘cause I still have to keep going to the doctor with her. I feel as if there should be translators like…Like she can communicate but it’s just she can’t say the precise problem’.

24. Attitudes to immigration
Attitudes to immigration varied but most young people felt that migration to Scotland has positive effects in terms of population growth and economic prosperity. There was widespread discomfort about the term ‘immigrant’ among both Scottish and non-Scottish born young people. For example, Mohammad reflects that:
Mohammed: “I’m sort of fed up of living here just ‘cause … like a lot of people are just like look at you and go ‘immigrant’ even though you’re not, I was born here, I’ve lived here longer than a lot more people. But despite that some people are like, ‘oh immigrant, yeah, look at him’ (male, 16-18, Bangladeshi British, Muslim, Dundee)

25. Misrecognition Urban encounters with others
Strong focus on ‘meaningful contact’
Research about different contexts including cafes, university campuses and public transport (e.g. Andersson et al 2012, Jones et al 2015; Laurier and Philo, 2006, Wilson, 2011).
Relatively little has been said about encounters that result in some form of misrecognition or mis-identification.
To encounter misrecognition ‘is not simply to be thought ill of, looked down upon or devalued by others’ attitudes, beliefs or representations’ (Fraser 2000, 113); rather, it is to be ‘denied the status of a full partner in social interactions, as a consequence of institutionalized patterns of cultural value that constitute one as comparatively unworthy of respect or esteem (Fraser 2000, 113-4).

26. Misrecognition
‘…misrecognition shows not just a lack of respect. It can inflict a grievous wound, saddling its victims with a crippling self-hatred.’ (Taylor, 1994: 26)
‘Central role that forms of misrecognition play in shaping present and future cross-cultural relations’ (Martineau 2012, 162).
Ahmed (2000, 22) notes that ‘to recognise means: to know again, to acknowledge and to admit’.
‘Due recognition is not just a courtesy we owe people. It is a vital human need’ (Taylor, 1994: 26)

27. Sikh young people
“Even if you are Sikh they call you a Muslim, say that you are one”, and one of the other participants then said:
I remember when I first made like one of my friends like someone like two years ago and she was like 'what are you?' And I was like 'well Sikh'. She was like, 'what like a Muslim?' And I was like, 'no like Sikh'. And she was like, 'is that not the same as Muslim?' And I was just like, 'Oh god, no!' And she was like, 'I don’t get it, so you are Muslim.' 'No' people actually just think that if you are brown you are Muslim, and was in school and I was just like, and this was only like two years ago, she was like 15. And she didn’t even know what a Sikh was. I was just like, oh god! Haha But I think that it is everywhere in Scotland. Obviously how bad it is will change but even in school I think that there is (Sikh focus group, Westhills, mixed)

28. I remember when I first made like one of my friends like someone like two years ago and she was like 'what are you?' And I was like 'well Sikh'. She was like, 'what like a Muslim?' And I was like, 'no like Sikh'. And she was like, 'is that not the same as Muslim?' And I was just like, 'Oh god, no!' And she was like, 'I don’t get it, so you are Muslim.' 'No' people actually just think that if you are brown you are Muslim, and I was in school and I was just like, and this was only like two years ago, she was like 15. And she didn’t even know what a Sikh was. I was just like, oh god! Haha But I think that it is everywhere in Scotland. Obviously how bad it is will change but even in school I think that there is.
Why do you think people think that you are Muslim? Why are people so much more aware of Muslims?
Because there is a lot of them.
Bigger community
(Focus group, Sikhs, Westhills High School)

29. Other South Asian young people
Aahna Uhm most of the time people think I’m Muslim. Ehm but like nobody ever….It’s not like they say it just because…they’re not trying to stereotype they just don’t know that much about Hinduism and stuff… sometimes it’s like they’d say happy Eid and stuff which I understand – it’s quite nice. If they thought I was Muslim that’s fair enough. Like they were never trying to like hurt me or anything. It was always like just trying to be nice (female, 12-15, Hindu, suburban Glasgow)
Donald (aged 12-15) attended a Roman Catholic secondary school and has an Indian heritage. He explained:
… Most people actually do [think I am Muslim]. Like, and our RE teacher once thought I was a Muslim because of my skin colour. Then, yeah and when I first came to this school some of my friends now were shocked that I was a Catholic. They thought I was Muslim as well.

30. Black African and Caribbean young people
Yeah, that is another thing. Every time like they are, it has happened to me in this school actually as well actually. I will get my lunch, and the woman is like “it is not halal” haha. I say, “I am not a Muslim”.
I know. I get that all the time.
I laughed for like a little while, and she was like, “why are you laughing?” I was like “I am not Muslim” haha. And she was like, “what are you then?” And I was like “I am Christian”. And it was like, “Oh, right okay.” It is okay, I understand, I get it a lot. She was like “it is fine”. But most of the time in school, they will be like, “Why are you not off for Eid?” “I am not a Muslim!” (Black African girls focus group, Bayfield, Glasgow)

31. Central and Eastern European migrants
“Some people say I look Muslim because of the skin colour” and his schoolmate responded “Some of them because we look like Pakistani, we have got the same face, same skin colour” (Slovakian/Romanian boys, Bayfield)

32. Spaces of misrecognition
Young people encountered misrecognition at school, in taxis, at the airport and in public spaces
During a focus group with Sikh boys at a school in Glasgow (aged 13-17) - “Some teachers, say “Aw you are all Muslim””. Continuing the discussion, another Sikh boy said “Yes, yesterday I was in the dinner hall and I was like getting chicken nuggets and then the lady was like, “they are not halal”, I was like “I am not Muslim”” and another responded “Yeah, I know that happened. Same with me”.

33. Spaces of misrecognition
Reflecting upon an encounter in Edinburgh airport, Ananya, an Indian international student (aged 19-21) studying in Scotland recalls:
I flew into Edinburgh airport and as we were coming out of the plane, we were walking down towards the immigration bit and this lady behind me, I think she was in a rush or I don’t know and well we were all walking in the same direction but she wanted me to move, so instead of saying, “excuse me”, she said, “hey Paki, can you get out off the way” … which was really quite, it was really shocking because I hadn’t really either expected that, never had that before. Really came out of the blue to be honest and like I was of course off an international flight and I was completely exhausted and so I turned around and I looked at her and I said that, I said, “first of all, I’m Indian not Pakistani and like there’s no need to be so rude” and then I just moved out of the way. And she kind of, she was a bit taken aback that I didn’t, I don’t know, that I actually responded.

34. Responding to misrecognition
Make fun of/joke
Interject - Clarify affiliation
Ignore it
Socially withdraw

35. Explaining misrecognition
Homogenisation of the ‘Asian’ community
Being called ‘Paki’ – colonial history of othering
Some people call us Pakis for some reason… (Black African boys, focus group, Bayfield)
Geopolitics and geopolitical events
Kudoo “If they see the turban they just link the turban and terrorist” (19-21, Sikh, Glasgow, born in Afghanistan)
Lack of projection of unique religious identities

36. Challenging misrecognition
Encountering misrecognition – the work that misrecognition does. Fraser (2000, 115) notes that ‘redressing misrecognition means replacing institutionalized value patterns that impede parity of participation with ones that enable and foster it’. ‘Redressing misrecognition’ means ‘changing social institutions’ (p 115).

37. Young people, race, religion and migration: negotiating everyday geopolitics Geographical Association Annual Conference University of Surrey April 2017 Inclusive Geographies?
Peter Hopkins
Professor of Social Geography
School of Geography, Politics and Sociology
Newcastle University, England UK
@hopkinspeter1