1. The G.W. Bush Approach to Foreign Policy

2. Foreign Policy Views of Candidate G. W
Foreign Policy Views of Candidate G.W. Bush Reagan Library, November 1999
America must be involved in the world. But that does not mean our military is the answer to every difficult foreign policy situation -- a substitute for strategy.
An American president should work with our strong democratic allies in Europe and Asia to extend the peace.
He should promote a fully democratic Western Hemisphere, bound together by free trade.
He should defend America’s interests in the Persian Gulf and advance peace in the Middle East, based upon a secure Israel.
He must check the contagious spread of weapons of mass destruction, and the means to deliver them.
He must lead toward a world that trades in freedom.

3. Foreign Policy Views of Candidate G. W
Foreign Policy Views of Candidate G.W. Bush Reagan Library, November 1999
America cherishes that freedom, but we do not own it. We value the elegant structures of our own democracy -- but realize that, in other societies, the architecture will vary. We propose our principles, we must not impose our culture.
America has never been an empire. We may be the only great power in history that had the chance, and refused -- preferring greatness to power and justice to glory.
Let us not dominate others with our power -- or betray them with our indifference. And let us have an American foreign policy that reflects American character. The modesty of true strength. The humility of real greatness.

4. Foreign Policy Views of President G. W
Foreign Policy Views of President G.W. Bush State of the Union Address, January 2002
As we gather tonight, our nation is at war, our economy is in recession, and the civilized world faces unprecedented dangers.  Yet the state of our Union has never been stronger.
Our nation will continue to be steadfast and patient and persistent in the pursuit of two great objectives.  First, we will shut down terrorist camps, disrupt terrorist plans, and bring terrorists to justice.  And, second, we must prevent the terrorists and regimes who seek chemical, biological or nuclear weapons from threatening the United States and the world.  
My hope is that all nations will heed our call, and eliminate the terrorist parasites who threaten their countries and our own…. But some governments will be timid in the face of terror.  And make no mistake about it:  If they do not act, America will.  

5. Foreign Policy Views of President G. W
Foreign Policy Views of President G.W. Bush State of the Union Address, January 2002
States like these [Iraq, Iran and North Korea], and their terrorist allies, constitute an axis of evil, arming to threaten the peace of the world.  
By seeking weapons of mass destruction, these regimes pose a grave and growing danger.  
They could provide these arms to terrorists, giving them the means to match their hatred.  
They could attack our allies or attempt to blackmail the United States.  
In any of these cases, the price of indifference would be catastrophic.
Our war on terror is well begun, but it is only begun.  This campaign may not be finished on our watch -- yet it must be and it will be waged on our watch.

6. Foreign Policy Views of President Bush Address to West Point, June 2002
For much of the last century, America's defense relied on the Cold War doctrines of deterrence and containment. In some cases, those strategies still apply. But new threats also require new thinking.
If we wait for threats to fully materialize, we will have waited too long.
We must take the battle to the enemy, disrupt his plans, and confront the worst threats before they emerge. In the world we have entered, the only path to safety is the path of action. And this nation will act.
All nations that decide for aggression and terror will pay a price. We will not leave the safety of America and the peace of the planet at the mercy of a few mad terrorists and tyrants.

7. Foreign Policy Views of President Bush Address to West Point, June 2002
We are in a conflict between good and evil, and America will call evil by its name. By confronting evil and lawless regimes, we do not create a problem, we reveal a problem. And we will lead the world in opposing it.

8. The Bush National Security Strategy, 2002
The United States will exploit its military and economic power to encourage "free and open societies," rather than seek "unilateral advantage." This union of values and national interests is "a distinctly American internationalism.“
“Counterproliferation" will replace reliance on nonproliferation treaties to control the threat of weapons of mass destruction.
The strategies of containment and deterrence — staples of American policy since the 1940's — are all but dead. There is no way in this changed world to deter those who hate the United States and everything for which it stands.

9. The Bush National Security Strategy, 2002
The president has no intention of allowing any foreign power to catch up with the huge lead the United States has opened in military power since the fall of the Soviet Union more than a decade ago.
Our forces will be strong enough to dissuade potential adversaries from pursuing a military buildup in hopes of surpassing, or equaling, the power of the United States.
While the United States will seek allies in the battle against terrorism, we will not hesitate to act alone, if necessary, to exercise our right of self-defense by acting pre-emptively. That includes convincing or compelling states to accept their sovereign responsibilities not to aid terrorists.

10. The Intellectual Heritage of the G.W. Bush Foreign Policy

11. Project for the New American Century

12. Henry Rowen, Defense Policy Board, CFR
James Woolsey, Defense Policy Board, Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, former Board member of weapons corporations
Dov Zakheim, Defense Department Comptroller, American Enterprise Institute, CFR
                       
Robert Zoellick, US Trade Representative, former Enron consultant
Donald Rumsfeld, Secretary of Defense, former Bechtel pipeline negotiator
William Kristol, American Enterprise Institute, Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, Editor the Weekly Standard
Dick Cheney, Vice President, former American Enterprise Institute, former Secretary of Defense, former CEO of Halliburton

13. Eliot Abrams, Senior Director National Security Council, CFR member
Lewis Libby, former Chief of Staff to Vice President, Senior Director National Security Council, CFR member
Dan Quayle, Former VP, Member of Defense Policy Board, Chief of Staff to Vice President, Senior Director National Security Council, CFR
Jeb Bush, Governor of Florida, brother of President
Paul Wolfowitz,former Deputy Secretary of Defense
Richard Armitage, former Deputy Secretary of State
Kenneth Adelman, Defense
Policy Board
Richard Allen, Defense Policy Board, CFR
John Bolton, American Enterprise Institute VP, now US UN rep.

14. Steven Cambone, Undersecretary of Defense for Intelligence, Special Assistant to Secretary
Eliot Cohen, Defense Policy Board, Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, American Enterprise Institute
Paula Dobriansky, Undersecretary of State for Global Affairs, CFR
Zalmay Khalizad, Ambassador to Iraq, National Security Council, former risk analyst for Unocal
Aaron Friedberg, Deputy National Security Advisor to VP, CFR
Francis Fukayama, President’s Council on Bioethics, CFR
Richard Perle, Defense Policy Board, American Enterprise Institute, CFR, Committee for the Liberation of Iraq
John Lehman, National Security Advisor, 9/11 Commissioner
Peter Rodman, Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs

15. Project for the New American Century: Statement of Principles 1997
We aim to make the case and rally support for American global leadership.
As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands as the world's preeminent power. Having led the West to victory in the Cold War, America faces an opportunity and a challenge: Does the United States have the vision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Does the United States have the resolve to shape a new century favorable to American principles and interests?

16. Project for the New American Century: Statement of Principles 1997
We are in danger of squandering the opportunity and failing the challenge.
We seem to have forgotten the essential elements of the Reagan Administration's success: a military that is strong and ready to meet both present and future challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and purposefully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that accepts the United States' global responsibilities.

17. Project for the New American Century: Statement of Principles 1997
We cannot safely avoid the responsibilities of global leadership or the costs that are associated with its exercise.
America has a vital role in maintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. If we shirk our responsibilities, we invite challenges to our fundamental interests.
The history of the 20th century should have taught us that it is important to shape circumstances before crises emerge, and to meet threats before they become dire. The history of this century should have taught us to embrace the cause of American leadership.

18. Project for the New American Century: Statement of Principles 1997
Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw their consequences for today. Here are four consequences:
we need to increase defense spending significantly if we are to carry out our global responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future;
we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies and to challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values;
we need to promote the cause of political and economic freedom abroad;
we need to accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving and extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity, and our principles.

19. The Authors of This Manifesto?
Elliott Abrams Gary Bauer William J. Bennett Jeb Bush Dick Cheney Eliot A. Cohen Midge Decter
Paula Dobriansky Steve Forbes Aaron Friedberg Francis Fukuyama Frank Gaffney
Fred C. Ikle Donald Kagan Zalmay Khalilzad I. Lewis Libby
Norman Podhoretz Dan Quayle Peter W. Rodman Stephen P. Rosen
Henry S. Rowen Donald Rumsfeld Vin Weber George Weigel
Paul Wolfowitz

20. “Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies, Forces And Resources For A New Century”
Prepared in 2000 under guidance of Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, Jeb Bush, and Lewis “Scooter” Libby.
The document calls itself a "blueprint for maintaining global US preeminence, precluding the rise of a great power rival, and shaping the international security order in line with American principles and interests. This American grand strategy must be advanced as far into the future as possible."
The plan calls our military, "the cavalry on the new American frontier.“
Describes peacekeeping missions as "demanding American political leadership rather than that of the United Nations."
Reveals worries that Europe could rival the U.S.A. in future

21. “Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies, Forces And Resources For A New Century”
Puts forth the “axis of evil”
“… adversaries like Iran, Iraq, and North Korea are rushing to develop ballistic missiles and nuclear weapons as a deterrent to American intervention in regions they seek to dominate” (p. 4).
“The current American peace will be short-lived if the United States becomes vulnerable to rogue powers with small, inexpensive arsenals of ballistic missiles and nuclear warheads or other weapons of mass destruction. We cannot allow North Korea, Iran, Iraq, or other similar states to undermine American leadership, intimidate American allies or threaten the American homeland itself” (p. 75).

22. “Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies, Forces And Resources For A New Century”
States the US right to topple hostile regimes
… “American military preeminence will continue to rest in significant part on the ability to maintain sufficient land forces to achieve political goals such as removing a dangerous and hostile regime when necessary” (p. 61).
Explicitly calls for the militarization of space and the implementation of “Star Wars” type programs to achieve this goal, as well as increased defense spending to the tune of $15 to 20 billion per year.
Calls for the establishment of more US military bases overseas to serve as “deployment bases” and “forward operating bases,” as well as expansion of US nuclear weaponry.

23. Regarding Iraq, the PNAC Strategy Says:
"The United States has for decades sought to play a more permanent role in Gulf regional security. While the unresolved conflict with Iraq provides the immediate justification, the need for a substantial American force presence in the Gulf transcends the issue of the regime of Saddam Hussein." (Page 14)

24. PNAC Letter to President Bush After 9/11
PNAC also wrote a letter to President Bush calling for the overthrown of Saddam Hussein on September 20, 2001.
“We agree with Secretary of State Powell’s recent statement that Saddam Hussein ‘is one of the leading terrorists on the face of the Earth….’ It may be that the Iraqi government provided assistance in some form to the recent attack on the United States. But even if evidence does not link Iraq directly to the attack, any strategy aiming at the eradication of terrorism and its sponsors must include a determined effort to remove Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq.”
“Failure to undertake such an effort will constitute an early and perhaps decisive surrender in the war on international terrorism.”

25. PNAC Letter to President Bush After 9/11
“… any war against terrorism must target Hezbollah. We believe the administration should demand that Iran and Syria immediately cease all military, financial, and political support for Hezbollah and its operations …
Should Iran and Syria refuse to comply, the administration should consider appropriate measures of retaliation against these known state sponsors of terrorism.”
“… Israel has been and remains America’s staunchest ally against international terrorism, especially in the Middle East. The United States should fully support our fellow democracy in its fight against terrorism …
We should insist that the Palestinian Authority put a stop to terrorism emanating from territories under its control and imprison those planning terrorist attacks against Israel …
Until the Palestinian Authority moves against terror, the United States should provide it no further assistance.”

26. PNAC Letter to President Bush After 9/11
“A serious and victorious war on terrorism will require a large increase in defense spending. Fighting this war may well require the United States to engage a well-armed foe, and will also require that we remain capable of defending our interests elsewhere in the world …
We urge that there be no hesitation in requesting whatever funds for defense are needed to allow us to win this war.”

27. American Foreign Policy