Sachiko Aoshima, Colin Phillips & Amy Weinberg

Online satisfaction of lexical requirements determines the time course of gap creation
Sachiko Aoshima, Colin Phillips & Amy Weinberg University of Maryland, College Park WCCFL XXII March 23, 2003 Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Principle-based Grammar
Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads. Grammatical theories: Minimalist Program, LFG, HPSG, Categorial Grammar, among others Parsing theories: Principle-based approach, Constraint-based approach (Gibson 1991, Pritchett 1991, MacDonald et al. 1994, among others) In this talk, I will present three self-paced reading test results, and show those results support grammatical principle based approach to performance theory. Linguistics theories based on grammatical principles and constraints have been assumed both in the grammatical theories and parsing theories. I will focus on parsing theories based on principles and constraints, and support the claim that structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammartical requirements of lexical heads. Leixcal heads are basically meant by verbs in this talk. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Implications Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads. Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements.  Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed. Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language. (Pritchett 1992, Mulders 2002) I would like to point out and discuss that this approach has two implications. First, if the grammatical principle based approach is correct, an alternative account such as strategy based approach is not needed in the performance theory. Secondly, since the parser processes a sentence due to satisfaction of grammatical requirements of the lexical heads, the parser really needs to see the information the lexical heads have for structure-building. So, this implies that structure-building should be delay in a head-final language. This point should be true when you look at how Japanese sentences are processed, if this implication is correct. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Processing wh-questions
How do readers interpret a fronted wh-phrase online? what did you say In this talk, we discuss processing of wh-questions. In particular, we focus on online processing of this type of long-distance wh-questions. In syntax, a fronted wh-phrase leaves a trace behind at its argument position. In processing this sentence, how do readers interpret this wh-phrase? that Mary read t Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

what Let’s sketch online interpretation of a wh-phrase in English wh-question. This fronted wh-phrase initiates a search for a possible gap position. gap Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

what did gap Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

what did you gap Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

what did you say gap Here, the gap is posited at the earliest point allowed by the grammar. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

what did you say But, if this sentence is in fact a long-distance wh-question, the first gap creation must be canceled and a search for a correct gap position begins again, like this. that gap Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

what did you say that Mary gap Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

what did you say that Mary read gap Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Generalization Gap for a wh-phrase is initially posited in the first/highest available position. what did you say gap What happens in online reading of wh-questions is that readers posit a gap for the wh-phrase asap in order to interpret a fronted wh-phrase,. In other words, active filler effect is an operation to interpret syntax and semantics of wh-phrase as soon as possible. To do so, the gap is posited in the first available position. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Two approaches for processing wh-questions
Strategy-based Approach: When a wh-phrase has been identified, rank the option of assigning it to a gap above all other options. (Crain & Fodor 1985, Frazier & Clifton 1989, among others) Here are two approaches to capture this generalization. One is strategy-based Approach, so-called active filler hypothesis. The formulation of this hypothesis presents it as an independent property of the parser. The parser has a strategy like When a wh-phrase has been identified, rank the option of assigning it to a gap above all other options. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Two approaches for processing wh-questions
Strategy-based Approach: When a wh-phrase has been identified, rank the option of assigning it to a gap above all other options. (Crain & Fodor 1985, Frazier & Clifton 1989, among others) Grammatical principle-based Approach Online interpretation of wh-phrases is driven by independently motivated grammatical requirements, e.g. thematic role assignment. (Gibson 1991, Pritchett 1992, among others) An alternative approach is grammatical principle-based Approach. Online interpretation of wh-phrase is independently motivated grammatical requirements, e.g. thematic role assignment and wh-scope licensing. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Two approaches for processing wh-questions: head-initial languages
Strategy-based Grammatical principle-based CP CP WH WH C IP C IP NP … NP … VP VP Studies based on English type languages do not easily allow these alternatives to be distinguished. Because a verb in English type languages is followed by its complement, the first possible gap position is also the first possible argument position where a thematic role can be assigned. V gap V gap the first opportunity to satisfy thematic requirements = complement of the first verb the first possible gap position = complement of the first verb Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Two approaches for processing wh-questions: head-final languages
Strategy-based Grammatical principle-based CP CP WH The first opportunity to satisfy thematic requirements occurs at the embedded clause. WH IP C IP C NP VP NP VP gap A head final language like Japanese provides a useful testing ground for alternative interpretations of Active Filler effect. We follow Fodor and Inoue 1995, and assume that a head-final parser builds a verb phrase immedeiately after it identifies the subject NP. At this point, the parser could potentially posit a gap position in the verb phrase. Crucially note that this position is the first possible gap position but not the first opportunity to satisfy thematic requirement, simply because the verb has been processed yet. This gap site will not allow thematic role assignment until the main verb is encountered. If the parser encounters an embedded clause subject, then it will also construct an embedded VP structure just like that in the matrix clause. And then, the first opportunity to satisfy the thematic role requirements of the wh-phrase will occur at the embedded clause verb. If Active Filler effect is due to the need to satisfy grammatical requirements as soon as possible, the gap should be posited in the embedded clause in this case. So, when we examine processing of this type of structure, we can distinguish two approaches. I.e. two approaches make different predictions of the gap position in this type of configuration. So, we need to have this type of structure, a structure of long-distance wh-questions in a head-final language. gap CP V CP V … NP VP the first possible gap position gap V Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Implications Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads. Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements.  Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed. Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language. (Pritchett 1992, Mulders 2002) I would like to point out and discuss that this approach has two implications. First, if the grammatical principle based approach is correct, an alternative account such as strategy based approach is not needed in the performance theory. Secondly, since the parser processes a sentence due to satisfaction of grammatical requirements of the lexical heads, the parser really needs to see the information the lexical heads have for structure-building. So, this implies that structure-building should be delay in a head-final language. This point should be true when you look at how Japanese sentences are processed, if this implication is correct. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Processing head-final sentences
John-ga paatii-de Mary-ni hana-o ageta. John-nom party-at Mary-dat flower-acc gave ‘John gave Mary flowers at the party.’ In a head-final language, lexical heads are delayed.  Structure-building should be correspondingly delayed, too. Lexical heads are delayed. then, the grammatical principle based approach implies that structure-building should also be delayed. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Our experiments show Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads. Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements.  Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed. Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language. To discuss these two implications, I will show results of sentence comprehension experiments we conducted. From first two experimental results, I will give further support for grammatical principle based approach. In other word, I will conclude that the alternative account, strategy-based approach is not necessary to assume in performance theory. After that, I will discuss the second implication by showing second and third experiments, and deny this implication that structure-building should be delayed correspondingly because lexical heads are delayed in a head-final language. Experiment 1 & 2 Experiment 2 & 3 Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Grammatical principle-based
Experiment 1: Goal Strategy-based Grammatical principle-based CP (e.g. Gibson 1991, Pritchett 1991) (e.g. Crain & Fodor 1985, Frazier & Clifton 1989) CP WH WH IP The first opportunity to satisfy thematic requirements occurs at the embedded clause. C IP C NP VP NP VP gap We want to know which approach is more appropriate to capture the online interpretation of wh-phrases. First of all we cannot distinguish these two approaches when we look at a head-initial structure. Due to the head-initial structure, the two approaches make the same prediction. On the other hand, a head final language like Japanese provides a useful testing ground for alternative interpretations of Active Filler effect. We follow Fodor and Inoue 1995, and assume that a head-final parser builds a verb phrase immedeiately after it identifies the subject NP. At this point, the parser could potentially posit a gap position in the verb phrase. Crucially note that this position is the first possible gap position but not the first opportunity to satisfy thematic requirement, simply because the verb has been processed yet. This gap site will not allow thematic role assignment until the main verb is encountered. If the parser encounters an embedded clause subject, then it will also construct an embedded VP structure just like that in the matrix clause. And then, the first opportunity to satisfy the thematic role requirements of the wh-phrase will occur at the embedded clause verb. If Active Filler effect is due to the need to satisfy grammatical requirements as soon as possible, the gap should be posited in the embedded clause. gap CP V CP V … NP VP the first possible gap position gap V Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Long-distance Wh-scrambling formation
Japanese wh-phrases are canonically in-situ, but they can be fronted by scrambling. Dare-ni Taro-wa [Jiro-ga t atta-ka] itta. Who-dat Taro-top Jiro-nom met-Q said ‘Taro said who Jiro met.’ Japanese provides this structure. Japanese wh-phrases are canonically in-situ, but they can be fronted in terms of scrambling. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Question Formation Japanese uses question particles (Q-particles) to mark questions. John-nom the book-acc read. John-nom the book-acc read-Q [yes/no question] Sally-top John-nom what-acc read-declC said-Q [root question] ‘What did Sally say that John read?’ Sally-top John-nom what-acc read-Q said [embedded question] ‘Sally said what John read.’ Unlike English Question formation, Japanese uses question particles to mark questions. Also a position of Q-particle indicates the question is a direct (root) question or indirect (embedded) question. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Diagnostics of Active Gap Filling: Typing Mismatch Effect
yonda-to (Declarative) …John-ga nani-o yonda-ka (Q-Particle) …John-nom what-acc read Slowdown: Typing Mismatch Effect (Miyamoto & Takahashi 2001) In a clause in which a wh-phrase is interpreted, the expectations are reversed. In other words, when Japanese readers encounter a wh-phrase, they prefer to have a Q-particle as soon as possible, i.e. they prefer to have both wh-phrase and Q-particle in the same clause. Miyamoto and Takahashi successfully found slowdown effect at the declarative marker relative to the question marker. Remember that their study dealt with wh-insitu sentences. Comparing this, our interest is how to comprehend wh-scrambling structure. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Experiment 1: Conditions
a. <SCRAM+DECLC> Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-DeclC] AdvP NP-dat V-Q b. <INSIT+DECLC> NP-top [NP-nom Wh-dat NP-acc V-DeclC] AdvP NP-dat V-Q c. <SCRAM+Q> Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-Q] AdvP NP-dat V d. <INSIT+Q> NP-top [NP-nom Wh-dat NP-acc V-Q] AdvP NP-dat V Then, there are four conditions. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Experiment 1: Examples a. <SCRAM+DECLC>
どの生徒に担任は校長が本を読んだと図書室で司書に言いましたか。 'Which student did the class teacher tell the librarian at the library that the principal read a book for?' b. <INSIT+DECLC> 担任は校長がどの生徒に本を読んだと図書室で司書に言いましたか。 c. <SCRAM+Q> どの生徒に担任は校長が本を読んだか図書室で司書に言いました。 'The class teacher told the librarian at the library which student the principal read a book for.' d. <INSIT+Q> 担任は校長がどの生徒に本を読んだか図書室で司書に言いました。 Here’s an example for each condition. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Experiment 1: Design & Procedure
2 x 2 factorial design 4 lists were created by distributing 24 items in a Latin Square design 48 filler sentences Comprehension questions: matching a subject with a predicate Self-paced reading task -Moving Window - 48 native speakers of Japanese This slide shows more details about the experimental design. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Experiment 1: In-situ Condition
b. <INSIT+DECLC> NP-top [NP-nom Wh-dat NP-acc V-DeclC] … Verb-Q d. <INSIT+Q> NP-top [NP-nom Wh-dat NP-acc V-Q] … Verb First, we will show the results of the insitu conditions. We are comparing declarative condition and question condition in wh-insitu conditions. The crucial region is the phrase in the boxes, which was the fifth region. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Miyamoto & Takahashi’s observation is replicated.
F1 (1, 47) = 5.5, p <.01 F2 (1, 18) = 2.8, p = 0.09 V-DeclC/Q Wh-dat Here’s a result. the graph shows that x-axis means each region (i.e. phrase), and y-axis indicates reading times. As you see, at the region of embedded verb, declarative condition took much longer time than the Q-particle condition. In addition, we did not find any significant differences before this crucial region. So, we replicated Miyamoto and Takahashi’s finding. Miyamoto & Takahashi’s observation is replicated. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Experiment 1: Scrambled Condition
a. <SCRAM+DECLC> Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-DeclC] … Verb-Q c. <SCRAM+Q> Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-Q ] … Verb. The result of scrambled condition is more crucial for our discussion. Again the crucial region is region 5 where the embedded verb is located. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

a. <SCRAM+DECLC> Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-DeclC] … Verb-Q c. <SCRAM+Q> Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-Q ] … Verb. <GAP> In this paradigm, there are two possible predictions, depending on the approaches we are comparing. If strategy based approach is correct, the gap should be created in a matrix clause because that position is the first possible position. If so, we should observe slowdown effect (typing mismatch effect) in the Q-particle condition. This is so because the matrix gap should be associated with the matrix verb. So readers should be surprised when they see Q-particle in the embedded clause instead. <GAP> Slowdown Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

a. <SCRAM+DECLC> Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-DeclC] … Verb-Q c. <SCRAM+Q> Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-Q ] … Verb. <GAP> Slowdown The opposite prediction is provided by the grammatical principle based approach. This approach predict the gap is posited in the embedded clause because that position is the first opportunity to satisfy thematic role assignment. If this is correct, the readers should be surprised when they see a declarative marker in the embedded. We should observe slowdown effect in the declarative marker condition. <GAP> Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

F1 (1, 47) = 6.1, p <.01 F2 (1, 18) = 5.6, p <.01 V-DeclC/Q At Region 5, declarative condition took much longer time than the Q-particle condition. This is significantly different Both by subject analysis and item analysis. In addition, we did not find any significant differences before this crucial region. Wh-dat Readers also exhibit Typing Mismatch effect in the embedded clause in the scrambled conditions. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Experiment 1: Results Scrambled Condition
Readers create a gap position in the embedded clause. Wh-gap is predicted until it can be interpreted. This finding is expected under the grammatical principle-based approach. WH-dat NP-top gap CP Verb The result of scrambled condition show that readers create a gap position in the embedded clause. In other words, wh-phase is assoicated with the first verb readers encounter. NP-nom VP gap Verb Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

English Filled Gap Effect
My brother wanted to know who In the second experiment, we use filled gap effect as a diagnostic for finding the filler-gap dependency. This is English filled gap effect. Stowe 1986 Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

My brother wanted to know who Ruth Stowe 1986 Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

My brother wanted to know who Ruth will Stowe 1986 Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

My brother wanted to know who Ruth will As we already know, the wh-gap is assumed to be posited at the complement position of the verb. bring gap Stowe 1986 Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

My brother wanted to know who Ruth will But, when that position is filled by another element, in this case a pronoun, us, then readers slowdown at this position. This is because they expected the gap here. We applied this logic of filled gap effect to Japanese head-final structure. bring Readers slow down upon encountering an NP where a gap was expected. us home to at Christmas Slowdown Stowe 1986 Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Japanese Filled-Gap Effect
Slowdown upon encountering an NP where a gap was expected. WH-dat NP-top Second NP-dat is unexpected if the first NP-dat has already been interpreted in embedded clause. CP From the first experiment result, we know that the gap is created in the embedded clause in this configuration. In other word, readers already interpret a fronted wh-phrase in the embedded clause. Then, if they encounter the second dative NP, this second dative phrase is unexpected. Crucially this position is before the verb. NP-nom VP Position of the unexpected NP is before the verb gap NP-dat Verb Slowdown Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

target control WH-dat WH-nom NP-top NP-dat CP CP We expect that readers slow down at the second dative NP position, because two dative NPs are interpreted in the same clause. This slowdown will be observed relative to the second dative NP in the control sentence, which is illustrated in the right side. Since nominative phrase in Japanese cannot be scrambled (Saito, 1986), the gap for this wh-phrase is not assumed to be created in the embedded clause. In addition, Kamide and Mitchell (1999) show that the matrix dative NP is not likely to be associated in the embedded clause. Following their finding, we assume that the first dative NP in this structure doesn’t have a gap for it. Since there is only one dative NP in the embedded clause and there is no gap there, the second dative NP won’t surprise readers, even though they have encountered both wh-element and dative Case already. NP-nom VP NP-nom VP gap NP-dat Verb NP-dat Verb Slowdown Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

a. Filled WH-dat NP-top [NP-nom Adv NP-dat NP-acc Verb-DeclC] Verb-Q b. Non-Filled WH-nom NP-dat [NP-nom Adv NP-dat NP-acc In the experiment, there are 2 conditions, filled and non-filled. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Experiment 2: Examples a.どの子供に母親はお手伝いさんが台所で父親にお弁当を渡したと言いましたか。
‘To which children did the mother tell that the housekeeper handed a lunchbox to the father at the kitchen?’ b.どの子供が母親にお手伝いさんが台所で父親にお弁当を渡したと言いましたか。 ‘Which children told the mother that the housekeeper handed a lunchbox to the father at the kitchen?’ Examples Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

2 conditions 2 lists were created by distributing 20 paired items in a Latin Square design 60 filler sentences Comprehension questions: matching a subject with a predicate Self-paced reading task -Moving Window - 34 native speakers of Japanese Here is a slide showing design and procedure. We use the same task in this experiment. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

F1 (1, 33) = 11.9, p <.01 F2 (1, 19) = 6.4, p <.05 NP-dat Here is a result. Japanese readers exhibit ‘filled-gap’ effect. Confirms that they interpret a sentence-initial wh-phrase in the embedded clause, before reaching the embedded verb. Japanese readers exhibit Filled Gap effect. Confirms that they interpret a sentence-initial wh-phrase in the embedded clause, before reaching the embedded verb (Region 7). Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Summary: Experiment 1 and 2
Further support for Principle-based theory. No need to assume parser-specific strategy. Gap creation takes place before the verb is processed. Structure-building is not delayed in a head-final language. WH-dat NP-top gap CP Verb Both experiments show that Readers create a gap position in the embedded clause before they see the embedded verb. NP-nom VP gap Verb Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

English pronoun and its antecedent
To which of his children did the man give a gift? To do so, we use a backward anaphoric interpretation of the pronoun. Here is an English case. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

To which of his children did the man give a gift? Structure we used in this experiment involves backward relation of the pronominal and its antecedent. In English, the pronoun can take the antecedent in the subject NP. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

To which of his children did the man give a gift? Which of his children gave the man a gift?  But, in the second case, where the pronoun is in the subject NP and the antecedent is in the object, the grammaticality gets a bit worse. ? Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Japanese pronoun and its antecedent
which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) … which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) …  In Japanese equivalent, the first case is wh-scrambling case, and the co-referenciality holds in this case. On the other hand, the second case is not grammatical under the interpretation that the pronoun is co-referred to the dative NP. *? Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Japanese pronoun and its antecedent
which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) … his which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) … which of his children (DAT)  This contrast can be explained by the c-commanding relation between the antecedent and the pronoun. The pronoun is bound by the antecedent when it is c-commanded by the antecedent. This capture the contrast because the wh-phrase in the first case is scrambled, whereas the wh-phrase in the second case can not because the sentence-initial nominative NP cannot be scrambled. *? Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Experiment 3: Gender Mismatch
which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) … which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) … the woman Taking this as a underlying fact, we want to test for sensitivity to constraints on co-reference in Japanese before the verb is processed. To do so, we manipulated the match between the gender of the pronoun and the gender of the second NP. the woman Gender Mismatch paradigm: Carreiras et al. (1996); Osterhout et al. (1997); Sturt (2003) Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Experiment 3: Gender Mismatch
which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) … which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) … the woman In the first pair, which is a scrambled case, We predict Gender mismatch effect in the female nominative NP if Japanese readers want to make a grammatical relation between the pronoun and its antecedent as soon as possible, importantly in advance of the crucial head (i.e. verb) which determines the thematic relations between NPs and verb. We also predict that the female dative NP in the second pair does not show gender mismatch effect because Japanese readers know the pronoun is not co-referred to the dative NP. the woman Gender Mismatch paradigm: Carreiras et al. (1996); Osterhout et al. (1997); Sturt (2003) Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

a. Scrambled - Gender Mismatch Adverb / [his / which NP]-dat / Adverb / NP FEMALE-nom / Adverb / NP-acc / verb-Q / NPMALE-top / verb b. Scrambled - Gender Match Adverb / [his / which NP]-dat / Adverb / NP MALE-nom / Adverb / NP-acc / verb-Q / NPFEMALE-top / verb c. Non-scrambled - Gender Mismatch Adverb / [his / which NP]-nom / Adverb / NP FEMALE-dat / Adverb / NP-acc / verb-Q / NPMALE-top / verb d. Non-scrambled - Gender Match Adverb / [his / which NP]-nom / Adverb / NP MALE-dat / Adverb / NP-acc / verb-Q / NPMALE-top / verb. Now we have four conditions. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Experiment 3: Examples a. 台所で　彼の　どの子供に　朝食後　叔母が　急いで　お弁当を　渡したか　父親は　覚えていた。 b. 台所で　彼の　どの子供に　朝食後　叔父が　急いで　お弁当を　渡したか　叔母は　覚えていた。 c. 台所で　彼の　どの子供が　朝食後　叔母に　急いで　お弁当を　渡したか　父親は　覚えていた。 d. 台所で　彼の　どの子供が　朝食後　叔父に　急いで　お弁当を　渡したか　父親は　覚えていた。

2 x 2 factorial design 4 lists were created by distributing 24 items in a Latin Square design 56 filler sentences Comprehension questions: matching a subject with a predicate Self-paced reading task - Moving Window - 40 native speakers of Japanese Here is a slide showing design and procedure. We use the same task in this experiment. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Experiment 3: Results: Scrambled conditions
± Match F1(1, 39) = 8.6, p<.01; F2(1,23)=7.4, p<.01 Readers were slowed by a mismatching nominative NP in the second position, relative to a matching control. his/her Slowdown at mismatching NP is observed. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Experiment 3: Results: Non-scrambled conditions
Fs<1 ± Match There was no corresponding slowdown in non-scrambled conditions. This means that slowdown at mismatching NP occurs only when NP is possible antecedent. his/her Slowdown at mismatching NP only when NP is possible antecedent. Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Summary: Experiment 3 Binding constraint application takes place in advance of the verb. Wh-gap is also posited in the first clause. HIS-WH NP-nom gap The results show that readers actively seek for an antecedent for a pronoun in grammatically sanctioned positions, which occur before the verb. Since the results show that the readers apply binding constraint which is that the pronoun can be coreferred to the antecedent when it is c-commanded, that implies that the gap is posited in a simple clause. This is consistent with what we found in the first two experiments. Verb Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Summary Further support for Principle-based theory. No need to assume parser-specific strategy. Gap creation takes place before the verb is processed. Structure-building is not delayed in a head-final language. WH-dat NP-subj gap Exp 3 Verb Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Summary Further support for Principle-based theory. No need to assume parser-specific strategy. Gap creation takes place before the verb is processed. Structure-building is not delayed in a head-final language. WH-dat NP-subj gap Exp 3 CP Verb NP-subj VP gap Verb Exp 2 Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Summary Further support for Principle-based theory. No need to assume parser-specific strategy. Gap creation takes place before the verb is processed. Structure-building is not delayed in a head-final language. WH-dat NP-subj gap Exp 3 CP Verb NP-subj VP gap Verb-Q Exp 2 Exp 1 Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Conclusion Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads. Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements.  Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed. Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language.  To discuss these two implications, I will show results of sentence comprehension experiments we conducted. From first two experimental results, I will give further support for grammatical principle based approach. In other word, I will conclude that the alternative account, strategy-based approach is not necessary to assume in performance theory. After that, I will discuss the second implication by showing second and third experiments, and deny this implication that structure-building should be delayed correspondingly because lexical heads are delayed in a head-final language. Experiment 1 & 2  Experiment 2 & 3 Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Acknowledgments Gerry Altmann Patrick Sturt Cedric Boeckx
Dianne Bradley Marcel den Dikken Janet Fodor Ana Gouvea Martin Hackl Yuki Hirose Norbert Hornstein Atsu Inoue Yuki Kamide Yoshihisa Kitagawa Nina Kazanina Reiko Mazuka Shigeru Miyagawa Edson Miyamoto Leticia Pablos Mamoru Saito Carson Schütze Patrick Sturt Shoichi Takahashi John Trueswell Hiroko Yamashita Masaya Yoshida Technical assistance Tomohiro Fujii,Takuya Goro, John Matthews, Utako Minai, Yoshinori Miyazaki, Mitsue Motomura, Kaori Ozawa, Takae Tsujioka, Noboru Yamada, Masaya Yoshida This research is funded by NSF Grant #BCS Human Frontiers Grant #RGY MURI Grant # Aoshima, Phillips, & Weinberg WCCFL22

Sachiko Aoshima, Colin Phillips & Amy Weinberg

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