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Helping or hindering…..maybe sometimes both……
Professor Kate Morris University of Sheffield
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The presentation Child welfare inequalities – the bigger picture
welfare-intervention-rates Some key themes for social workers and the unequal decisions to intervene Stepping up, stepping down: families experiences your-voice Themes for practice Wider messages for future ways forward
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Four components: Review of the association between poverty and CAN Examination of the relationship between CPP or LAC rates with area level measures of deprivation (UK) Mixed methods case studies exploring the interplay between family circumstances and social work decision making. Community based study exploring family and locality experiences of child welfare services
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The evidence review The following is a summary from the review by Bywaters et al (2016) There is a strong association between families socio-economic circumstances and the chances that their children will experience CAN. But, poverty is neither a necessary nor sufficient factor in the occurrence of CAN Evidence of this association is found repeatedly across developed countries, types of abuse, definitions, measures and research approaches, and in different child protection systems and this conclusion can be drawn despite the major limitations in the evidence from the UK Poverty as a contributory casual factor is supported by evidence from a number of studies – raising the income of families has a statistically significant impact on rates of CAN in empirical studies (Shook and Testa, 1997; Fein and Lee, 2003; Cancial et al., 2013; Raissian and Bullinger, 2016) Poverty is evident in child protection but rarely centre stage, or the primary focus of intervention Reducing child poverty is likely to reduce the extend and severity of child abuse and neglect. evidence-review
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The nature of the association between poverty and CAN in the UK:
We need to talk about inequality There is a gradient in the relationship between family socio-economic circumstances and rates of CAN across the whole of society It is not a straightforward divide between families in poverty and those who are not This finding mirrors evidence about inequities in child health and education Direct effect – material hardship or lack of money to buy in support Indirect – through parental stress and neighbourhood conditions It’s not a background factor – it is implicated in all sorts of ways in the decisions made or not made every day
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Child Welfare Inequalities: A UK four nations study The team: Professor Paul Bywaters (PI) with Brid Featherstone, Will Mason, Brigid Daniels, Jonathon Scourfield, Lisa Bunting, Nughmana Mirza, Geraldine Brady , Calum Webb and Jade Hooper
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But the dominant factor for explaining any individual child’s chances of an expensive heavy end intervention is the socio-economic circumstances of the family, measured here by the deprivation level of the small neighbourhoods in which the families were living. 11 x higher in most deprived 10% of neighbourhoods. Almost identical pattern seen for CPP rates.
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Key headlines from the study’s analysis of quantitative data
Children in the 10% most deprived small neighbourhoods in England are more than 10 times more likely to be CPP or LAC than children in the least deprived 10%. A social gradient in children’s chances of an intervention not a divide between families in poverty and the rest. Each 10% increase in neighbourhood deprivation brings a 30% increase in LAC and CPP rates.
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Key headlines (continued)
The inverse intervention law: Although high deprivation LAs have higher rates of intervention than low deprivation LAs, when you compare equally deprived or equally affluent neighbourhoods, low deprivation LAs are intervening significantly more. Relative to demand, low deprivation LAs have more money to spend than high deprivation LAs. Cuts in expenditure since 2010/11 have been larger in high than low deprivation LAs, and in early help/prevention.
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The Case Studies Exploring the interplay between decisions to intervene in children’s lives and their social, economic and material circumstances (and investigating the IIL) The LAs were selected to reflect a mix of high and low deprivation LAs We identified comparable localities (the primary sites) is six Local Authorities (Scotland, England and Northern Ireland) and additional satellite sites in each LA
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Findings: Poverty as a Context
Poor localities are the usual sites of social work practice – this is an accepted norm. The overwhelming scale and complexity of unmet need and the hollowing out of family support resources form a uniform experience across all the sites Poverty is ingrained, endemic but usually not visible in practice responses and, though there were differences, this was surprisingly consistent across all the sites When prompted social workers articulate their understanding of the circular relationship between poverty and harms This understanding was rarely evident in case planning
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Practice and Poverty Our analysis suggest that existing frameworks cannot address the core issues for families. There is a need to reconnect with this and pay attention to the structural context that bear upon families Social workers don’t see anti poverty activity as ‘core business’ – they say they focus on risk / parenting and that others should be addressing issues of deprivation (food, warmth, shelter) Poverty as ‘too big to tackle’ in a context of ever diminishing resources The availability of services shape and constrain social work analysis In their attempts to practice equitably, some social workers consciously disengaged with the social and spatial distribution of social work demand Some systems and practices can reinforce the shame and suffering of poverty for family members
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‘We also do a lot of signposting families to foodbanks, or we can issue foodbank vouchers. But we tend, if we can, we are more than fully committed doing what we would consider our core business, which is doing parenting skills, parenting capacity change type of things. And this other stuff, whilst in a perfect world we should be doing it, and doing it with family, the reality is that the work load people would say "you need to be doing other things, getting other people to do that sort of thing for them, you can't, you haven't got the capacity and if you do it, you run the risk of drowning”
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Family voices and the progress of change
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The study Developed as part of the Your Family Your Voice Alliance to provide an empirical base for developments, supported by FRG Focused on families who were working with, or had worked with multiple different welfare services at any given time- including addiction, CSE, DV, mental health (adult and child), child protection, youth justice and care Exploratory and in depth, securing family narratives with support from Family Advisory Panel and YFYV Steering Group
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The families
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The dance of responsibility
Demeaning, disruptive and costly Fragmented families, fragmented services and who belongs to who………. The desire for legitimacy through diagnosis The long term consequences for engagement and notions of resistance (a measure for risk)
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Time, time, time………… Time limited interventions and the human cost
Waiting lists Professional timelines (in the best interests of?.....) Service timings and consequences – a repeated example of professional awareness of every day realities
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Money matters For families……. For agencies…………..
For who receives services……………. For who is judged outstanding……….
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Humane practices I don’t feel like she had any time for us at all. I didn’t feel like she wanted to listen, she had made her mind up before she had even got here. I think the thing is, because XXX’s dad has got a history of drug use and prison, she formed an opinion before she met me. I have never taken drugs and have never been in prison. What happened was she came into the meeting, a child in need meeting at school, and me and (my partner) had an argument. She sat there and said, “I was driving here today in the car and I was thinking, ‘shall I put this on child protection or shall I just kick it out? No, I think I will put it on child protection’ “. That is exactly how she said it, in front of all the other people. I thought, ‘How can you make that judgement on one…?’ She met me once. Then she has made a judgement coming to work in her car. That put me off her straight away.
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Pictures that tell a story
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Harnessing expertise: the key message?
Unique expertise The consequences of ‘othering’ and notions of ‘redemption’ Deficit models vs strength models of feedback Beyond the ‘case’ – Commissioning, Evaluating, Designing, Auditing…………… Academic research agendas and the role of families
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Going forward
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Thinking differently – contributions to a conversation:
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A social model Tackling root causes Re-imagining the role of the state
Relationship(S) based practice Co-production Embedding ethics and human rights in everyday conversations and practices
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