1. Standard Dutch investigation ▪ Hanssen, Peters, Gussenhoven 2007: Adjustment strategies in IP-final nuclear contours (Fall, Rise, and Fall-Rise) with decreasing space for realization. Standard Dutch results: Falls & Rises: compression and truncation both apply Fall-Rises: pitch range reduction Correlate of truncation / compression: Rate of F0 change = Judith Hanssen, Carlos Gussenhoven, Jörg Peters Radboud University Nijmegen J.Hanssen@let.ru.nl TIE3 Conference on tone and intonation Lisbon 15-17 sept 2008 Compression, truncation & other responses to time pressure in varieties of Dutch INTRODUCTION short long word 'Compression' long word 'Truncation' Hz Earlier investigations Erikson & Alstermark 1972; Bannert & Bredvad 1975 (Swedish); Grønnum 1989 (Danish) Grabe 1998a,b; Grabe et al. 2000: Pitch accent realization in phrase-final position in German and English / four varieties of English German / English results: Cross-linguistic, cross-dialectal and cross- varietal variation F0 excursion F0 duration EXPERIMENT – Method 3 Varieties Standard Dutch (16 speakers aged 18-30) Rotterdam city dialect (19 speakers aged 16-31) Zuid-Beveland dialect (18 speakers aged 16-33) Test sentences for Lom (second part of dialogue): Declarative Ze gingen met meester Lom. They went with Mister Lom. Interrogative Liep-ie naast mevrouw de Lom? Did he walk next to Mrs. de Lom? ‘Toch’- question Hij heet toch Pepijn de Lom? But he’s called Pepijn de Lom, right? What alignment strategies do we find in Falls, Rises, and Fall-Rises in Standard Dutch, Rotterdam, and Zuid-Beveland? RESULTS (1) – Truncation / Compression Regional variation in the Netherlands? 4 Test words LOF LOOF LOM LOOM 3 Sentence types Declarative, expected contour: FALL – H*L L%) Interrogative, expected contour: RISE – L*H H%) ‘Toch’-question, expected contour: FALL-RISE – H*L H%) Short V; Nonsonorant C - /  / Long V; Nonsonorant C - /  / Short V; Sonorant C - /  / Long V; Sonorant C - /  / Duration of Sonorant Rime LOF < LOOF < LOM < LOOM Fall < Rise < Fall-Rise Q: RESULTS (2) – Peak retraction RESULTS (3) – “Rise-Rise” vs. “Fall-Rise” Standard Dutch and Rotterdam Rate of F0 change increases as words become shorter: indication of COMPRESSION Details show that shorter words show smaller F0 excursion: TRUNCATION in addition to compression Zuid-Beveland Rate of F0 change is more stable across all words: indication of TRUNCATION YES: Cross-dialectal variation Mean rate of F0 change RISES Standard Dutch speakers RETRACT PEAKS as words become shorter. Visible in both Falls and Fall-Rises. Averaged contours of Falls Averaged contours of Fall-Rises Zuid-Beveland Fall-Rise is different from SD and RO. First peak H1 and second low L2 are strongly compressed or even flattened out. Standard Dutch and Rotterdam behave the same: final movement (L2-H2) truncated and L2 undershot (or: pitch range reduction). STANDARD DUTCH ROTTERDAM ZUID-BEVELAND F0 change in semitones NB. Zuid-Beveland speakers mostly produce Falls for Interrogatives. FALLS STANDARD DUTCH ROTTERDAM ZUID-BEVELAND “Fall-Rise” “Fall-Rise” “Rise-Rise” LOFLOOF LOOMLOM