1. Introduction to Syntax ANTH 3590/7590 Harry Howard Tulane University
WH movement 3 Oct. 19, 2012 – Day 21
Introduction to Syntax
ANTH 3590/7590
Harry Howard
Tulane University

2. Course management http://www.tulane.edu/~howard/ANTH3590/
10/19/12
We need to spend our $150 from the Provost’s Undergraduate Activities Fund.
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

3. 10/19/12
REVIEW
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

4. EMBEDDED WH QUESTION TREE (5.26)VP
wonder CP
10/19/12
From now on, I will collapse the creation of the specifier and the movement to it into a single step.
PRN
who
-----
---- C’ C
[EF] ø TP
PRN
she T’
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane T
Af3sPast
AuxP
was+
-----
Aux
was VP V
dating
PRN
who

5. REVIEW: MOVE Q WITHOUT N (5.39)CP Q
which
-----
10/19/12 T’
PRN
she
AuxP T
Af3sPast C
[TNS, EF] ø VP
Aux
was V
dating Q
which C’ QP N
actor
Chain Uniformity
Attract Smallest Condition
Left-branch Condition TP
was+Af3sPast+
-----
was+
-----
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

6. Pied-piping of superordinate prepositions
10/19/12
Pied-piping of superordinate prepositions
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
Radford §5.6

7. Introduction Some data The problem Solution: impenetrability
10/19/12
Some data
49) They asked to whom he was referring.
The problem
Whom is the smallest maximal projection containing an interrogative word, so it should move without the preposition, giving:
They asked who(m) he was referring to.
Which is grammatical, but not the sentence we want.
Solution: impenetrability
51) A constituent in the domain of a complementizer or preposition is impenetrable to (and so cannot be attracted by) a higher head c-commanding the complementizer or preposition.
Thus the whole PP can be attracted up to C.
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

8. PREPOSITION STRANDING
10/19/12
But impenetrability prevents us from deriving the colloquial version of this sentence:
52) They asked whom he was referring to.
There must be some way to get the interrogative word out of the c-command domain of the preposition.
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

9. INITIAL STRUCTURE FOR AN EMBEDDED CLAUSE (5.50)
10/19/12 T’
PRN he
AuxP T
Af3sPast C
[EF] ø VP
Aux
was V
referring P to C’ PP
whom TP
was+
-----
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

10. ADD AN EDGE FEATURE FOR P (AND A SPECIFIER)
PRN he
AuxP T
Af3sPast C
[EF] ø VP
Aux
was V
referring P to C’ PP
whom
10/19/12 TP
was+
-----
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane P’

11. CP Q
who
-----
THE WH PRONOUN IS ATTRACTED TO SPEC OF PP (5.55) AND THEN ON UP TO SPEC OF CP T’
PRN he
AuxP T
Af3sPast C
[EF] ø VP
Aux
was V
referring P to C’ PP
who
10/19/12 TP
was+
-----
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
PRN
who
------ P’

12. REMAINING DETAILS
10/19/12
Evidence for the edge feature of P in informal English (56)
Speaker A: He has been talking to someone.
Speaker B: Who to?
Speaker B: *Whom to?
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

13. Long-distance wh-movement
10/19/12
Long-distance wh-movement
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
Radford §5.7

14. Introduction A datum Where does what originate?
10/19/12
A datum
What might he think that she is hiding?
Where does what originate?
57) What might he think that she is hiding what?
58) might he think [CP [C that] she is hiding what ]
Is this a legitimate movement?
No, it violates impenetrability.
But it can be made legitimate by moving the WH word through the intervening specifier of CP:
60) might he think [CP [C that] she is hiding what]
What
-----
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane
What
what
––––

15. STRUCTURE FOR LONG-DISTANCE WH-MOVEMENTCP V
think C’ C
[TNS, EF] ø TP
[EF]
PRN
who do T’
that VP T
3sPast
might PR he
10/19/12
----
-----
PRN
who
------
might+
-----
------
-----
PRN
who
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

16. SOME CONSEQUENCES
10/19/12
Long-distance movement proceeds as a succession of short steps.
If each intervening CP is called a cycle, then we say that it proceeds in a successive-cyclic fashion.
It can also be called local, since the wh-expression is attracted to become the specifier of the closest C.
Each intervening C must have an edge feature.
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

17. EVIDENCE FOR THE LOCALITY/SUCCESSIVE CYCLICITY OF WH-MOVEMENT
10/19/12
Quantifier stranding or floating in West Ulster English
64) What all did you get for Christmas?
65a) What all did you think that he’ll say that we should buy?
65b) What did you think all that he’ll say that we should buy?
65c) What did you think that he’ll say all that we should buy?
65d) What did you think that he’ll say that we should buy all?
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

18. EVIDENCE, CONT. Auxiliary inversion in Belfast English
10/19/12
Auxiliary inversion in Belfast English
What did Mary claim they stole?
What did Mary claim did they steal? (68)
Reflexive anaphors
69a) Jim was surprised that Peter wasn’t sure that Mary liked this picture of himself best.
69b) Jim was surprised that Peter wasn’t sure which picture of himself Mary liked best.
cf. (72) Peter wasn’t sure which picture of himself Mary liked best.
WH-copying in child English
73a) What do you think what Cookie Monster eats?
73b) How do you think how Superman fixed the car. *
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

19. TOO MUCH MOVEMENT A final datum Freezing constraint (75) *
10/19/12
A final datum
74a) She might ask where he has been.
74b) Where might she ask he has been.
Freezing constraint (75)
An element moved to a position dedicated to some scope-discourse interpretive property … is frozen in place. *
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane

20. NEXT TIME Q6 Continue WH movement 10/19/12
ANTH3590/7590, Harry Howard, Tulane Q6
Continue WH movement