1.   There Is very little research on Hmong parenting styles and child maltreatment; what is published is descriptive and not based on data. There is no research that assesses what action would be taken by Hmong parents if any abuse had occurred. Such corrective action could include contacting police, child protective services, or keeping it within the family.   Most parenting measures are based on a western view point and don’t account for Hmong practices and beliefs. These measures do not provide a clear reference point for Hmong parenting.   There are no studies that have examined practices specific to Hmong girls. The Hmong culture is patriarchal and possibly girls are disciplined more harshly. We interviewed young female adults of Hmong descent who resided in the Eau Claire vicinity using a culturally-sensitive, semi- structured interview that evaluated perceptions of potentially abusive events and what type of recommendations, if any, they would have for situations judged to be severely abusive. The format of the interviews was based on the work of Collier et al. (1999) and Wirin et al. (2003). Interview questions inquired about: Hmong and American parenting styles and values; whether a specific type of discipline was harmful to the child or wrong; what alternative disciplining style(s) could have been used; and whether discipline in this hypothetical situation might be different if the child was a boy instead of a girl, or a father administered the discipline instead of a mother. Participants were asked to define age-appropriate behaviors and expectations for Hmong American girls. All procedures were approved by the UW- Eau Claire Institutional Review Board and a Hmong Advisory Panel. The current study, although part of a larger study, only examined scenarios judged to be abusive. The purpose of this study was to determine if child abuse was perceived in a parenting situation, what action would be taken. The overall goal is to understand Hmong values and beliefs in order to better provide child rearing classes for the Hmong community. Hmong parenting approaches are often interpreted with a Western lens and hence seen as authoritative or even abusive. By doing this study, we hope to tailor parenting classes that preserve Hmong values. INTRODUCTION PURPOSE RESULTS. Interventions for Parental Misconduct in Hmong Culture Lauryn Pixler, Department of Psychology, Mia Neng Vang, Department of Psychology, Alethia Mou, Department of Social Work, Dr. Ann Collier (Faculty Advisor), Department of Psychology University of Wisconsin –Eau Claire The constant comparative approach of Strauss and Corbin (1990) was used to compile the results from the focus groups OVERVIEW VIGNETTES AND QUESTIONS Preliminary vignettes were designed by several Hmong college students and Dr. Collier. They were then presented to a panel of seven Hmong professional women and leaders for feedback, and then subsequently modified to incorporate this feedback. The vignettes and questions were translated into the Hmong language and then back-translated into English (to evaluate accuracy). However, focus groups were actually conducted in English because all participants were fluent in English.   Participants were read the vignettes (see Handout). They were told that the scenarios would become more complex as we went along, and that we wanted to understand: 1) Hmong discipline styles and values; 2) What kind of discipline was harmful to the child or wrong; and 3) How discipline was used differently for boys and girls, fathers and mothers. The questions asked for each vignette are presented in the Handout.   The current study focused on the perceptions of abuse in each scenario and the interventions, if any, that would be taken whether it was within the family or assistance from other authorities. FOCUS GROUPS A total of 32 Hmong young adults participated in one of three focus groups. These were held on campus at the University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire or at the Menomonie Public Library. The authors adapted the focus group procedures suggested by Krueger and Casey (2000) and Stewart and Shamdasani (1990). The authors alternated as moderators and co- moderators for each of the focus groups. The focus groups were also attended by 2-3 additional undergraduate Psychology and Social Work students, who took detailed notes and observations, making sure to comment about group dynamics, vocal, and non-verbal behavioral processes. Translators were not required for the group because all participants were fluent in English. Following the study, a debriefing took place to summarize any themes throughout the scenarios and to capture any last thoughts or ideas that were missed. Focus group participants were each paid $25 as compensation for participation. The groups lasted between 2 and 3 hours. All focus groups were audio-recorded and then transcribed by a research assistant. ScenarioAbuse BehaviorAction TakenExamples Scenario 1YesNot allowing child to Family Intervention“The parents want what is b eat; harsh lecturing best for the child, even if it shamingseems harsh” “My mom would lecture but she would still let me eat. We yell because we love you and we want you to know what’s right and wrong.” Scenario 2NoChild responsibleNo outside involvement “This is more neglect than for all maternalbut may call upon eldersabuse” careto help the family and daughter out Scenario 5YesSexual abuseOutside action should“Lets just say the mother by cousinbe taken but won’t thought ‘I’m only going to Physical abuseactually happen. They spank her.’ What if she was by mothermight be forced to so angry that spanking marry or the cousin turned into something pay a fee. Reputation ismore? Now she is bruised very important to family.and bleeding and you only wanted to spank her to teach her a lesson. How good of control do you have over your anger?” “Rape is rape no matter what” Table 1: Presence of Abuse and Action Taken DISCUSSION   Hmong girls indicated that their fathers were more likely to “lecture” them for discipline; mothers were more likely to use corporal punishment   As perceptions of the severity of abuse increased in each scenario, participants indicated greater likelihood of seeking non-familial, governmental assistance (e.g., police).   Reputation and upholding the family name was reported as very important in Hmong culture. This was used as an explanation for why many Hmong were reluctant to involve non-family members in domestic violence CONCLUSION In this study, we found that the Hmong parenting styles were guided by rich beliefs and values. Although many participants reported scenarios as harsh, they still agreed that it was not unusual for Hmong girls to be expected to carry multiple family obligations and roles. Whenever abuse was detected in less severe cases, the participants all agreed that it would be kept in the family, relying on support or help from elders. It wasn’t until the last scenario (sexual abuse) that some participants thought outside authorities or Hmong elders should become involved. Still, many believed that it should be handled within the Hmong community. IMPLICATIONS We hope that this information will be of use in planning child abuse prevention and parent training classes for Hmong parents.