1. Prof Keiko Sakai (Tokyo University of Foreign Studies) 1

2. Estimated population of Iraq ShiitesSunnis CIA Factbook 200260%-65%32%-37% Encyclopedia Britannica Up to 60% Government of Iraq, 1947 Census 51.4 %19.7 % (Arab Sunni only) 2

3. 3

4. Result of General Election : Jan. 05 4

5. Why did the religious difference become an effective marker for political representation? (1) Impact of the US policy on post-war Iraq: nominating the Iraqi provisional leadership in proportion to the estimated sectarian/ ethnic balance (2)The public service of religious groups covered for the dysfunction of the newly established state apparatus. (3) Political parties started to exploit the increased influence of religious authority among the Shi’ites. 5

6. Al-Da’wa PartyIslamic Supreme Council in (ISCI) Al-Sadr TendencyFadilah Party SupportersIntellectuals, middle class Intellectuals, clergy Lower class, unemployed youth, urban poor Salaried class in the former regime Relations with other Islamist regimes Used to be strong with Strong with since 1980s Strong with after 2005 Relations with theDoes not officially support the invasion Supported by the since 1998 Confrontation Foundation1958, Najaf1982,? during the war? during/ after the war Islamist Principles Follows the Islamist thought of Baqir al-Sadr Split from al- Dawa, influenced by Wilayat Faqih Ideas of Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr, the idea of Mahdism Ideas of Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr Estimated number of seats in parliament 30 15 Difference among the Islamist Parties in the United Iraqi Alliance 6

7. Difference between al-Da’wa Party and the Supreme Council their notion of the role of Islamic jurisprudents (1) al-Da'wa Party emphasized the importance of institutionalization both in the party and in religious authority (2) Supreme Council bases themselves on the reputation of the late grand Ayatollah Muhsin al- Hakim and the rule of the al-Hakim family: mobilise the religious authority through the use of their charismatic and long-standing fame and influence among the community of believers 7

8. Difference between al-Da’wa Party and the Supreme Council (2)  Disagreement in their notion of the territory they share: nation-wide, or southern Iraq? (1) The ISCI’s reliance on the traditional networks of ulama and their social influence developed into their idea of regional autonomy, emphasizing the “ethnic- like” feature of Shi’ite society, (2) al-Da’wa Party has stuck to its position of not being an “ethnic” party. 8

9. Difference between al-Da’wa Party and the Supreme Council (3) Disruption of the coalition led Islamist parties to find another identity to mobilize to gain a majority (1) ISCI found its way by forming a “multi-ethnic” political bloc with other “ethnic” parties (ex. Kurds) (2) al-Da’wa (al-Maliki government) adopted a policy of mobilizing people based on tribalism (the Awakening Councils and the Support Councils) 9

10. Conclusion Post-war political development shows that both religious and tribal identities can be mobilised for the newly established political parties to consolidate its power base. Identity politics is an easy solution for their purpose. It depends on each party’s political stance on the national integrity which types of social identities they rely on: al-Da’wa Party chose the nation-wide multi-tribal coalition Supreme Council chose the traditional communal identity based on religion. In short, identity politics cannot be free from the ideological nature of the party. 10