1. Null arguments in Athabascan Elly van Gelderen and Mary Willie Arizona State University and University of Arizona ICHL, Osaka, 26 July 2011

2. Workshop description (line 1): “Definite referential null arguments are apparently one of the distinctive features of non-configurational languages, see Baker (2001).” (also Luraghi 2010: 213) And: “The rise of null objects deserves further investigation.”

3. Outline - pro-drop and polysynthesis, mainly in Navajo (Saxon 1989). - the agreement cycle of non-polysynthetic languages is different from polysynthetic ones. - Feature change - Changes in Athabascan object marking: an increase in object polysynthesis.

4. WALS: Pronominal subjects and subject agreement on the verb Pronominal subjects are expressed by pronouns in subject position 82 (11.5%) Pronominal subjects are expressed by affixes on verbs 437 (62%) Dryer (2011, WALS 101)

5. Agreement with the object in WALS No person marking of any argument 82 Person marking of only the A argument 73 Person marking of only the P argument 24 Person marking of the A or P argument 6 Person marking of both the A and P 193 (51%) total:378 Siewierska (2011, WALS 102)

6. Analyses of Polysynthetic languages a) agreement is basically the same as in IE (Speas 1990, Rice & Saxon 2005) b) The status of full nominals is non-argumental (e.g. Hale 1983; 2001, Jelinek 1984; 2006, Willie 1992, Baker 1996; 2001ab, Faltz 2000). c) Mithun (2003: 275) argues that the affixes are arguments but that “does not entail a specific syntactic status on the part of coreferential nominals”. d) Evans (2002) affixes “saturate” but are not pronouns.

7. Non-configurational? Initially, non-configurational languages are defined as having free word order (e.g. Hale 1983, 1989), but later the emphasis shifts away from word order because e.g. Navajo has relatively strict word order and languages with free word order such as German can be accounted for through scrambling. We will therefore use polysynthesis.

8. Navajo (1)yiniłtsą́ a.yi-ni-ł-tsą́ it-you-CL-saw b.proproyi-ni-ł-tsą́pro ‘You have seen it.‘ “The morphemes on the verb do not replace conventional argument phrases... but... reinforce them" (Baker 1995: 15).

9. The pro-approach (4)TP T' TVP [u-phi] pro/DPV' [i-phi] Vpro/DP [u-phi][i-phi]

10. Change in this approach loss of polysynthesis: the pro in argument position in (4) would be replaced by a nominal. Only, through major language contact? rise of polysynthesis: the arguments are reanalyzed as adjuncts and empty pro- elements appear as Goals for the Probes in T and V.

11. The PAL approach (6)TP T' TVP [i-phi]V' V[i-phi]

12. Change in a PAL approach Polysynthetic > non-polysynthetic: [i-phi] is reanalyzed as uninterpretable [u-phi], triggering the need for DPs or pro to provide the interpretable [i-phi] features. > a polysynthetic language: loss of the probe and its uninterpretable features. Under this view, what makes languages polysynthetic is the absence of a probe and the adjunct status of the nominal.

13. Evidence for PAL (a) nominals (DPs as well as independent pronouns) are optional but the affixes are not (b) when subject or object pronouns are present, they are contrastive focus and have to be left- most (c) sentences with more than one nominal are rare (d) there are no anaphors and non-referential quantified DPs; (e) the so-called agreement can be quite specific for (in)definiteness and genericity (f) minimal embedding and no infinitives.

14. (7)Nanishté na-ni-sh-té around-you-I-carry.IMPF ‘I am carrying you around.’ (8)*Diné bizaadshiyíníshta' Navajo language 1S3-1-study (9)(Shi)(diné bizaad) yíníshta' 1SNavajo language 3-1-study ‘I am studying Navajo.’ (10)a.ji-ni 4-say`people say’. b.a-sh-á ͅ unspec.O-1S-eat`I am eating.’

15. (11)má'iiałtsodibébaayijah coyote allsheep3-3-ran-away ‘The sheep ran away from all the coyotes' or ‘All the sheep ran away from the coyotes.’ (Jelinek 2001: 18) (12)a.Shi-zhé'é kinla'nígóó deesháál nízin my-father Flagstaff-to FUT-1-go 3-want ‘My father wants to go to Flagstaff.’ (Hale 1989: 300) b.doogáál ní 3-arrive 3-said (disjoint reference) ‘He said that he arrived.’ (Willie 1991: 143)

16. (13)honeesná-nígíí yoodlá 3.win-NOM 3.believe (free reference) ‘He believes he won/he believes the winner.’ (Willie 1991: 178) (14)Ma’iihanii yi-i ɫ tsá ͅ. coyoteFOC3-saw `It wasn’t a coyote that I saw.’ (Perkins 1978: 7) (15)Díí ga’ chidínizhóní thisFOCcarbeautiful `THIS is the prettiest car.’ (Y&M 369)

17. Pragmatic, Grammatical, and Semantic roles SOV is grammatical Passive is grammatical (16)a.yi ɫ béézh yi-0- ɫ -béézh 3O-3Su-TR-boil, `s/he is boiling it.’ (Y&M 1987) b.yilbéézh yi-0-l- béézh peg-3Su-PASS-boil, `It is being boiled’. (Y&M 1987) c.shi’doo’niid sh-‘-d-w-d-niid 1-3i-Q-mode-CL-V `I was told (by someone).’ (Hale 2001: 690)

18. Agreement cycles and pro-drop (18)a.Ti te magni sempreVenice you you eat always ‘You always eat.’ b.Nissun (*el) magna nobody he eats ‘Nobody eats.’ (Poletto 2004)

19. (19)a. Nisunl'hadit nienteTrentino nobodyhe-has saidnothing ‘Nobody said anything.’ b.Tutl'ècapitadenot everythingit-hashappenedatnight ‘Everything happened at night.’ (Brandi & Cordin 1989:118) (20)a.Tuc i panseva Albosaggia (Lombard N.) Everybody they thought. ‘Everybody thought.’ b.Vargù al ruarà tardi Somebody he will-arrive late ‘Somebody will arrive late.’ (Poletto 2007)

20. French (22)Se je meïsme ne li diOld French If I myself not him tell `If I don’t tell him myself.’ (Franzén 1939:20, Cligès 993) (23)a.Je lis et j'écrisColloquial French I read and I-write b.*Je lis et écris (24)Moi, j’....

21. (25)une omelette elle est comme ça Swiss an omelette she is like this (26)tuvasoùColloquial French 2Sgowhere (27)nta tu vas travaillerArabic-French you you go work (from Bentahila and Davies 1983: 313).

22. Pronouns/Agreement EnglishIFrenchje i-phiu-phi (=i-ps)(=u-ps) s/heil/ellei-phi (=i-deictic)

23. Pronouns vs. agreement Theta-roleXP or Xfixedphilanguage position Full pronounyesXPnoyes Hindi/Urdu, Japanese Head pronounyesXnoyesFrench Agreement yesXyesyesNavajo (in polysynthetic languages) AgreementnoXyesno Hindi/Urdu

24. Grammaticalization = Specifier to Head Subject Cycle aTPbTP DPT’DPT’ pronTVPpron-TVP Urdu/Hindi, JapaneseColl French cTP [DP] T’ proagr-TVP Italian varieties

25. Language change and features Loss of semantic features: -full verbs such as Old English will [volition, expectation, future] > [future]. -Subject Agreement Cycle, e.g. in French emphatic> full pronoun> head > agreement [i-phi][i-phi][u-1/2]/[i-3][u-phi]

26. A possible Feature Macro-Parameter Phi-features `Case' (for head-marking)(for dependent-marking) yesnoyesno JapaneseJapaneseNavajo u-Fi-FEnglish EnglishNavajo Phi-Tno EnglishBantu (van Gelderen 2011, a la Baker 2008)

27. Objects in Athabascan: (28)súbe-k'ágoweneliSlave Q3S-2S.taste `Have you tasted it?' (29)sútuwelek'ágoweneliSlave Qsoup2S.taste `Have you tasted the soup?'

28. More Slave (30)a.golo ͅ gháenda moose3.see `S/he sees a moose.’ b.ye-gháenda 3S-3.see `S/he sees it.’ (Rice 1989: 1016) (31)dene-kego-gháyeda people-P3-see `S/he sees the people‘. (Rice 1989: 1017)

29. Topicalization in Slave (32)a.gahtlįnidhą́ą́te-ye-déhnde rabbit dog far3-3-chased ‘The rabbit, the dog chased it a long way’. b.tlįnidhą́ą́gahte-déhnde dogfarrabbit3-chased `The dog chased the rabbit a long way.’ (Rice 1989: 1198)

30. In Navajo, object agreement and pronouns are not in CD: (33)'atoo'yí-ní-dlaa'-ísh soup3S-2S-eat-Q `Did you eat the soup?' (34) yí-ní-dlaa'-ísh 3S-2S-eat-Q, `Did you eat it?' (Jelinek 2001: 23)

31. Obligatory agreement (35)(diné bizaad) bí-hoosh’aah Navajoit-1s.learn `I am learning Navajo/it.’ Even with reflexives, there can be –y-, or reflexive. (36)Á-woo’hayoot’á ͅ ha-y-oo-d-’á ͅ refl-toothup-3-3-CL-’á ͅ `S/he pulled his own tooth.’ (Faltz 370)

32. Except with ji-/ho- (37)a.*tóho-ditá ͅ waterareal-deep b. ho-ditá ͅ `the area is deep.’ c.(tó)ditá ͅ `(the water), it is deep.’ (Willie 1991: 104)

33. Objects cannot double in: (38)a.meganehtanKaska me-ga-ne-0-h-tan 3S-at-ASP-3S-CL-look `He looks at her’. b.ayudeni ganehtan girlat-ASP-3S-CL-look `He looks at the girl(s)’.

34. and Salcha: (39)šosðəł  æ šosð-  -ł-  æ bearQ-3S-CL-kill `He kills a black bear’ (40)i-ðəł  æ 3S-`He kills it’ (Tuttle 1996: 106) Unless they are non-arguments/topics.

35. Babine-Witsuwit'en (41)a. dinï hidanilh'ën manmooseat.3.look ‘The man is looking at a moose.’ b. hidadinïyi-nilh'ën mooseman3-at.3.look ‘The moose is looking at the man.’ (Gunlogson 2001: 374)

36. Changes Northern > Southern Increase of polysynthesis: object MUST be marked on the verb Loss of Noun Incorporation, see Rice (2008) Where does object polysynthesis start?

37. Subject cycles (42)(shíéiyá)EllyyinishyéNavajo ITOPElly1S-called `I am called Elly'. From grammaticalization, we know first and second first, then `deictic third’ person because of their positions in the grid. disjunct conjunct cl stem DO deictic Su.... Subject

38. Object cycles Human first (43)dene-kego-gháyedaSlave people-P3-see `S/he sees the people‘. and that may be because of topicalization: (44)lįehkeekayįhshu dogboy3-bit `the dog bit the boy’ (45) ehkee lįka-ye-yįhshu boydog 3O `the boy, a dog bit him.’ (Rice 1989: 1197)

39. Other incorporated objects (46)guyéndíhKaska gu-yé-n-Ø-díh 1P-about-2S-CL-know `You know (about) us’. (47)ments'i‘ayalKaska ments'i‘Ø-Ø-ayal. laketo3SCLwalk `She is walking to the lake’.

40. Navajo and Dene Suline/Chipewyan: (48)b-í-na-bi-ni-sh-tin 3-against-ASP-3-Q-1S-handle `I teach it to him’ (Y&M 1980: 223) (49)be-ghá-yé-n-i-ł-tį 3S-to-3S-ASP-1S-CL-handle `I have given her to him’ ( Li 1946: 419 Rice 1998: 102)

41. Here too CD in N. Athabascan (50)a.Beehétádįhwee Slave knifewith2S.IMP.cut `Cut it with a knife.’ b.Be-hétádįhwee 3-withcut c.*Bee behé tádįhwee/ *hé tádįhwee (Saxon 1989: 388, as in Tuttle, n.d.)

42. Not in Navajo (51)a.Béesobi-k’é naashnish money3-for1S.work `I work for money.’ b.Bi-k’énaashnish 3-for1S.work c.*Béesok’énaashnish d.*k’énaashnish

43. Not true with adverbials (52)a.shádí k’ehyání ɫ ti’Navajo 1S.older.sisterlike2S.talk b.*shádíbi-k’eh yání ɫ ti’ 1S.older.sister3S-like2S.talk ‘You talk like my older sister.’ c.bi-k’eh yání ɫ ti’ `You talk like her.’ (Tuttle n.d.: 19)

44. Conclusion `Pro-drop’ need not mean there is pro! The status of null arguments in polysynthetic languages is not necessarily clear. There are languages where pro-drop is an intermediate stage in a cycle from pronoun to agreement marker (e.g. Italian varieties) but there are also languages that do not have arguments outside the verbal complex and no pro.

45. No sign that Navajo is following Italian and French in the cycle. There is a move towards more polysynthesis in the Southern languages. That still leaves us with the puzzle as to why polysynthetic languages are so different. References: e-mail ellyvangelderen@asu.edu ellyvangelderen@asu.edu