1. From Conquest to Tribal Survival in Postindustrial Society
Chapter Eight
Native Americans:
From Conquest to Tribal Survival in Postindustrial Society
Instructors Note:
An excellent video for supplemental use is In Whose Honor?
See the website below for more information:
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2. Tribal Survival?
The contact period for Native Americans lasted nearly 300 years, ending with the Indian Wars of the late 1800s.
At the dawn of the 20th century, American Indians were a conquered and colonized minority group living on paternalistic government controlled reservations on the fringes of development and change, marginalized, relatively powerless, and isolated.
At the dawn of the 21st century, Native Americans remain among the most disadvantaged, poorest, and most isolated of minority groups, however, the group is not without resources and strategies for improving their situation.
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3. Native American Cultures
The dynamics of Native American and Anglo-American relationships have been shaped by the vast differences in culture, values, and norms between the two groups.
There were (and are) hundreds of different tribes each with its own language and heritage.
However, some patterns and cultural characteristics are widely shared across the tribes, and we will concentrate on these similarities.
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4. Native American Cultures
The goal of many Native American tribes was to live in harmony with the natural world, not “improve” it or use it for their own selfish purposes.
The concept of private property, or the ownership of things, was not prominent in Native American cultures.
Native American cultures and societies also tended to be more oriented toward groups than toward individuals.
Many Native American tribes were organized around egalitarian values that stressed the dignity and worth of every man, woman, and child.
These differences in values, compounded by the power differentials that emerged, often placed Native Americans at a disadvantage when dealing with the dominant group.
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5. Relations with the Federal Government after the 1890s
Reservations were paternalistically controlled and corrupted by the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) of the U.S. Department of the Interior.
Native Americans on the reservations were subjected to coercive acculturation or forced Americanization.
Dawes Allotment Act of 1887
Boarding Schools
Native Americans were virtually powerless to change the reservation system or avoid the campaign of acculturation, nonetheless, they resented and resisted and many languages and cultural elements survived the early reservation period.
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6. Relations with the Federal Government after the 1890s
By the 1930s, the failure of the reservation system and the policy of forced assimilation had become obvious to all who cared to observe.
The Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) of 1934 broke sharply with the federal policies of the past:
rescinded the Dawes Act (1887)
mechanisms of coercive Americanization were dismantled
financial aid were made available for the economic development of the reservations
allowed for an increase in Native American self-governance.
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7. Relations with the Federal Government after the 1890s
Although sympathetic to Native Americans, many of its intentions were never realized, and the empowerment of the tribes was not unqualified.
Self-governance generally took place on the dominant group’s terms.
The IRA had variable effects on Native American women.
Not all tribes were capable of taking advantage of the opportunities provided by the legislation, and some ended up being further victimized.
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8. Relations with the Federal Government after the 1890s
In 1953, assimilationist forces won a victory when Congress passed a resolution, called termination, that called for an end to the reservation system.
Under this policy, all special relationships—including treaty obligations—between the federal government and the tribes would end.
Tribes would no longer exist as legally recognized entities, and tribal lands and other resources would be placed in private hands (Josephy, 1968, pp. 353–355).
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9. Relations with the Federal Government after the 1890s
The termination process was administered hastily, and fraud, misuse of funds, and other injustices were common.
At about the same time that the termination policy came into being, employment and relocation assistance programs were established to encourage Native Americans to move to urban areas.
Because of their relatively low average levels of educational attainment and their racial and cultural differences, Native Americans in the city tended to encounter the same problems experienced by African Americans and other minority groups of color.
Instructors Note:
The Menominee of Wisconsin and the Klamath on the West Coast were the two largest tribes to be terminated.
Both suffered devastating economic losses and precipitous declines in quality of life.
Neither tribe had the business nor tax base needed to finance the services (e.g., health care and schooling) formerly provided by the federal government, and both were forced to sell land, timber, and other scarce resources to maintain minimal standards of living.
Many poor Native American families were forced to turn to local and state agencies, which placed severe strain on welfare budgets.
The experience of the Menominee was so disastrous that at the concerted request of the tribe, reservation status was restored in 1973 (Deloria, 1969, pp. 60–82; McNickle, 1973, pp. 103–110; Raymer, 1974).
The Klamath reservation was restored in 1986 (Snipp, 1996, p. 394).
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10. Relations with the Federal Government after the 1890s
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11. Relations with the Federal Government after the 1890s
Native American women also migrated to the city in considerable numbers, and often carried the burden of supporting the family as urban discrimination, unemployment, and poverty made it difficult for the men to fulfill the role of breadwinner.
Native American women in the city continue to practice their traditional cultures and maintain the tribal identity of their children despite difficulties inherent in combining child rearing and a job outside the home (Joe & Miller, 1994, p. 186).
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12. Relations with the Federal Government after the 1890s
Although many individual Indians prosper in the urban environment, moving to the city often trades rural poverty for the urban variety with little net improvement in life chances.
On the reservation, there may be opportunities for political participation and leadership roles that are not available in the cities.
Reservations also offer kinfolk, friends, religious services, and tribal celebrations (Snipp, 1989, p. 84).
Even so, it was much easier to establish networks of friendship and affiliation across tribal lines in the cities, and virtually all Native American organizational vehicles of protest have had urban roots.
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13. Relations with the Federal Government after the 1890s
The termination policy was such an obvious disaster that the pressure to push tribes to termination faded in the late 1950s.
Since the 1960s, federal Indian policy has generally returned to the tradition set by the IRA.
The Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act was passed in 1975, and increased aid to reservation schools and Native American students and increased tribal control over the administration of the reservations, from police forces to the schools and road maintenance.
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14. Relations with the Federal Government after the 1890s
The Self-Determination Act (1975) primarily benefited the larger tribes with well-established administrative and governing structures.
Nonetheless, this new phase of federal policy has allowed Native American tribes to plot their own courses free of paternalistic regulation, and just as important, it gave them the tools and resources to address their problems and improve their situations.
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15. Protest and Resistance
The modern protest movement has focused on several complementary goals:
protecting Native American resources and treaty rights,
striking a balance between assimilation and pluralism,
and finding a relationship with the dominant group that would permit a broader array of life chances without sacrificing tribal identity and heritage.
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16. Protest and Resistance
The modern phase of the protest movement began during World War II as many Native Americans served in the military or moved to the city to take jobs in aid of the war effort.
Also, political activism on the reservation stimulated by the IRA, continued through the war years and recognized that many problems were shared across tribal lines.
The Pan-Tribal National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) was established in 1944 and consisted of Native Americans educated and experienced in the white world, yet stressed the importance of preserving the old ways and tribal institutions as well as protecting Indian welfare.
Instructors Note:
An early victory for the NCAI and its allies came in 1946 when an Indian Claims Commission was created by the federal government.
This body was authorized to hear claims brought by the tribes with regard to treaty violations.
The commission has settled hundreds of claims resulting in awards of millions of dollars to the tribes and continues its work today (Weeks, 1988, pp. 261–262).
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17. Protest and Resistance
Termination and urbanization in the 50s and 60s increased protest.
By the 1960s and 1970s, a Red Power movement developed that stressed self-determination and pride in race and cultural heritage.
Washington “fish-in” 1965
American Indian Movement 1968
Alcatraz Island Occupation 1969
Trail of Broken Treaties 1972
Wounded Knee Occupation 1973
Since the early 1970s, lawsuits and court cases have predominated over dramatic direct confrontations.
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18. Protest and Resistance
As the pan-tribal protest movement forged ties between members of diverse tribes, the successes of the movement and changing federal policy and public opinion encouraged a rebirth of commitment to tribalism and “Indian-ness.”
Native Americans were simultaneously stimulated to assimilate (by stressing their common characteristics and creating organizational forms that united the tribes) and to retain a pluralistic relationship with the larger society (by working for self-determination and enhanced tribal power and authority).
Thus, part of the significance of the Red Power movement was that it encouraged both pan-tribal unity and a continuation of tribal diversity (Olson & Wilson, 1984, p. 206).
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20. The Continuing Struggle for Development in Contemporary Native American-White Relations
Ironically, land allotted to Native American tribes sometimes turned out to be rich in resources that became valuable in the 20th century.
3% of oil and natural gas reserves
15% of U.S. coal reserves
55% of uranium reserves
title to water rights, fishing rights,
woodlands that could sustain a lumbering industry,
and wilderness areas that could be developed for camping, hunting, and other forms of recreation.
The challenge faced by the Council of Energy Resource Tribes (CERT) is to retain control of these resources and to develop them for the benefit of the tribes.
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21. The Continuing Struggle for Development in Contemporary Native American-White Relations
Many efforts to develop the reservations have focused on creating jobs by attracting industry through such incentives as low taxes, low rents, and a low-wage pool of labor
The jobs that have materialized are typically low wage and have few benefits; usually, non-Indians fill the more lucrative managerial positions.
These new jobs may transform “the welfare poor into the working poor” (Snipp, 1996, p. 398), but their potential for raising economic vitality is low.
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22. The Continuing Struggle for Development in Contemporary Native American-White Relations
For many tribes, the treaties signed with the federal government in the 19th century offer another potential resource as they were often violated by white elements and agencies of the dominant group.
Many tribes are pursuing this trail of broken treaties and seeking compensation for the wrongs of the past.
Virtually every tribe has similar grievances, and if pursued successfully, the long-dead treaty relationship between the Indian nations and the government could be a significant fount of economic and political resources.
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23. The Continuing Struggle for Development in Contemporary Native American-White Relations
Another potential resource for Native Americans is the gambling industry, which was made possible by 1988 federal legislation.
Various tribes have sought other ways to capitalize on their freedom from state regulation and taxes—selling cigarettes tax-free and exploring the possibility of housing nuclear waste and other refuse of industrialization.
Without denying the success stories, the lives of most Native Americans continue to be limited by poverty and powerlessness, prejudice, and discrimination.
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24. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
Anti-Indian prejudice has been a part of American society from the beginning.
One stereotype, especially strong during periods of conflict, depicts Indians as bloodthirsty, ferocious, and inhumanly cruel savages capable of any atrocity.
The other image of Native Americans is that of “the noble redman” who lives in complete harmony with nature and symbolizes goodwill and pristine simplicity (Bordewich, 1996, p. 34).
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25. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
A variety of studies have documented continued stereotyping of Native Indians in the popular press, textbooks, the media, cartoons, and various other places (for example, see Bird, 1999; Rouse & Hanson, 1991).
The persistence of stereotypes is illustrated by continuing controversies surrounding nicknames for athletic teams and the use of Native American mascots, tomahawk “chops,” and other practices offensive to many Native Americans.
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26. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
The very limited evidence available from social distance scales suggests that overt anti-Indian prejudice has declined.
The situation of Native American women is also underresearched, but like their counterparts in other minority groups and the dominant group, they “are systematically paid less than their male counterparts in similar circumstances” (Snipp, 1992; p. 363).
Research is unclear about the severity or extent of discrimination against Native Americans, but institutional discrimination is a major barrier for Native Americans.
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27. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
According to Census Bureau data, 23% of Native Americans speak a language other than English, and of those, about 38% do not speak English “very well” (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1995).
These figures suggest that the tribal language remains the primary tongue for as many as 10% of the group.
Snipp (1989) reports that the strength of native languages varies by region.
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28. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
Religions and value systems, political and economic structures, cuisine, and recreational patterns have all survived; each pattern has been altered, however, by contact with the dominant group.
The American Dream
Native American Church
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29. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
Native Americans have been considerably more successful than African Americans in preserving their traditional cultures, due to the differences in their relationships to the dominant group.
However, a number of social forces are working against pluralism and the survival of tribal cultures.
Pan-tribalism may threaten the integrity of individual tribal cultures.
Opportunities for jobs, education, and higher incomes draw Native Americans to more developed urban areas and will continue to do so as long as the reservations are underdeveloped.
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30. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
Recent increases in the Native American population are partly due to higher birth rates, changing definitions of race in the larger society, and a much greater willingness of people to claim Indian ancestry (Thornton, 2001, p. 137).
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31. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
Instructors Note:
Since 1900 time, the population has generally increased, dramatically so in recent decades.
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32. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
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33. Instructors Note:
Since the Indian Removal Act of 1830, Native Americans have been concentrated in the western two thirds of the nation, although some pockets of population still can be found in the East.
The states with the largest concentrations of Native Americans—California, New Mexico, and Arizona—together include about one third of all Native Americans, and another 10% live in Oklahoma.
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34. Instructors Note:
If we included people who choose American Indian as their “second race,” the number of Indians would increase by over 60%, from 2.5 million to over 4 million (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2001b).
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35. Instructors Note:
Since the Indian Removal Act of 1830, Native Americans have been concentrated in the western two thirds of the nation, although some pockets of population still can be found in the East.
The states with the largest concentrations of Native Americans—California, New Mexico, and Arizona—together include about one third of all Native Americans, and another 10% live in Oklahoma.
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36. Instructors Note:
If we included people who choose American Indian as their “second race,” the number of Indians would increase by over 60%, from 2.5 million to over 4 million (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2001b).
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37. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
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38. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
Instructors Note:
Although the percentage of high school graduates has increased dramatically over the past three decades, levels of education are still lower than for the nation as a whole.
In 1997, about 82% of younger American Indians (aged 25-44) had graduated from high school, compared with 93% of non-Hispanic whites in the same age group.
The number of Native Americans enrolled in college has also increased, and in 1998, 15% of Indians aged 25 to 44 had a college degree, still only half the graduation rate for non-Hispanic whites (Pollard & O’Hare, 1999, p. 31).
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39. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
One positive development for the education of American Indians is the rapid increase in tribally controlled colleges, over 30 of which have been built since the 1960s.
These institutions are mostly 2-year community colleges located on or near reservations, and some have been constructed with funds generated in the gaming industry.
They are designed to be more sensitive to the educational and cultural needs of the group, and tribal college graduates who transfer to 4-year colleges are more likely to graduate than other American Indian students (Pego, 1998).
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40. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
The ability of Native Americans to exert power as a voting bloc very limited by group size, lower average levels of education, language differences, lack of economic resources, and factional differences within and between tribes and reservations.
The number of Native Americans holding elected office is minuscule, far less than 1% (Pollard & O’Hare, 1999, p. 41).
In 1992, however, Ben Nighthorse Campbell of Colorado became the first Native American to be elected to the U.S. Senate, and he continues to hold his seat in 2002.
There is currently only one Native American in the House of Representatives.
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41. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
As in the case of African Americans, the overall unemployment rate for all Native Americans is about double the rate for whites.
For Indians living on or near reservations, however, the rate is much higher.
It averaged 50% in 1997 (U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1997) but ranged up to 70% to 80% on the smaller, more isolated reservations.
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42. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
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43. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
In 1979, median household income for Native Americans was 68% of median household income for non-Hispanic whites (O’Hare, 1992, p 34).
By 1997, this figure had risen to only 72% of median household income for non-Hispanic whites (Pollard & O’Hare, 1999, p. 36).
In 1969, about one third of all Native American families had incomes below the federal poverty line, and the percentage was higher on the reservations (Snipp, 1992, pp. 362–363).
By 1997, the percentage had fallen to 25% but was still almost 3 times the poverty rate for whites (Pollard & O’Hare, 1999, p. 41).
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44. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
Rates of intermarriage for Native Americans are quite high compared with other groups.
The higher rate of marriage outside the group for Native Americans is partly the result of the small size of the group.
Marriages with non-Indians are much more common in metropolitan areas, away from the reservations.
They are also associated with higher levels of education, greater participation in the labor force, higher income levels, and lower rates of poverty (Snipp, 1989, pp. 160–164).
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46. Contemporary Native American-White Relations
In comparing Native Americans with African Americans:
The differences in the stereotypes attached to the two groups are consistent with the outcomes of the contact period.
Their contact situations were governed by very different dynamics and a very different dominant group agenda, which shaped subsequent relationships with the dominant group and the place of the groups in the larger society.
While African Americans spent much of the 20th century struggling for inclusion and equality, Native Americans were fighting to maintain or recover their traditional cultures and social structures.
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47. Progress and Challenges
Native Americans are growing rapidly in numbers and are increasingly diversified by residence, education, and degree of assimilation.
Some tribes have made dramatic progress over the past several decades, but enormous problems remain, both on and off the reservations.
The challenge for the future, as it was in the past, is to find a course between pluralism and assimilation and pan-tribalism and traditional lifestyles that will balance the issues of quality of life against the importance of retaining an Indian identity.
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