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The Relation Between Stress Accent and Pronunciation Variation in Spontaneous American English Discourse Steven Greenberg, Hannah Carvey, Leah Hitchcock.

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Presentation on theme: "The Relation Between Stress Accent and Pronunciation Variation in Spontaneous American English Discourse Steven Greenberg, Hannah Carvey, Leah Hitchcock."— Presentation transcript:

1 The Relation Between Stress Accent and Pronunciation Variation in Spontaneous American English Discourse Steven Greenberg, Hannah Carvey, Leah Hitchcock and Shuangyu Chang International Computer Science Institute 1947 Center Street, Berkeley, CA 94704 {steveng, hmcarvey, leahh, shawnc}@icsi.berkeley.edu

2 Acknowledgements and Thanks Research Funding U.S. Department of Defense U.S. National Science Foundation

3 For Further Information Consult the web site: www.icsi.berkeley.edu/~steveng

4 OVERTURE A Central Challenge for Models of Speech Recognition

5 Pronunciation Variability

6 Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech Pronunciation patterns encountered in everyday life are extremely diverse

7 Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech Pronunciation patterns encountered in everyday life are extremely diverse There are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced

8 Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech Pronunciation patterns encountered in everyday life are extremely diverse There are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced (as the following two slides illustrate for the word “AND” based on manual phonetic annotation of a corpus comprising telephone dialogues)

9 How Many Pronunciations of “and”? NPronunciationN Canonical pronunciation

10 How Many Pronunciations of “and”? NPronunciationN

11 Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech The are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced And as the following slide illustrates for the 20 most frequent words from the same corpus (Switchboard)

12 Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech The are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced And as the following slide illustrates for the 20 most frequent words from the same corpus (Switchboard) (which together account for 35% of the word tokens in the corpus)

13 How Many Different Pronunciations? RankWordN#Pron Most Common Pronunciation MCP %Total The 20 most frequent words account for 35% of the tokens

14 QUESTION How do listeners decode the speech signal given the large amount of pronunciation variation?

15 PART ONE Anatomy of a Syllable

16 The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure

17 The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental duration it is necessary to partition the data in terms of syllable position

18 The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental duration it is necessary to partition the data in terms of syllable position (as well as stress accent level)

19 The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental duration it is necessary to partition the data in terms of syllable position (as well as stress accent level) As a consequence, we will examine the onsets, codas and nuclei of syllables separately in order to gain insight into the underlying patterns

20 The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental duration it is necessary to partition the data in terms of syllable position (as well as stress accent level) As a consequence, we will examine the onsets, codas and nuclei of syllables separately in order to gain insight into the underlying patterns The most common English syllable form is Onset + Nucleus + Coda (“Nine”)

21 The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental duration it is necessary to partition the data in terms of syllable position (as well as stress accent level) As a consequence, we will examine the onsets, codas and nuclei of syllables separately in order to gain insight into the underlying patterns The most common English syllable form is Onset + Nucleus + Coda (“Nine”) Followed in popularity by Onset + Nucleus (“Two”)

22 The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to syllable structure In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental duration it is necessary to partition the data in terms of syllable position (as well as stress accent level) As a consequence, we will examine the onsets, codas and nuclei of syllables separately in order to gain insight into the underlying patterns The most common English syllable form is Onset + Nucleus + Coda (“Nine”) Followed in popularity by Onset + Nucleus (“Two”) Onset segments often differ in significant ways from their coda counterparts

23 PART TWO Being Phonetically and Prosodically Annotated

24 Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented)

25 Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this material has been manually transcribed

26 Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this material has been manually transcribed 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllable level

27 Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this material has been manually transcribed 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllable level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level

28 Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this material has been manually transcribed 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllable level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level The remaining 4 hours automatically segmented at the phone level

29 Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this material has been manually transcribed 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllable level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level The remaining 4 hours automatically segmented at the phone level A 45 minute-subset of this material has been hand-labeled w.r.t. stress accent

30 Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this material has been manually transcribed 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllable level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level The remaining 4 hours automatically segmented at the phone level A 45 minute-subset of this material has been hand-labeled w.r.t. stress accent The remaining 4 hours of the corpus has been automatically labeled w.r.t. stress accent (though is not used in the current analyses)

31 Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this material has been manually transcribed 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllable level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level The remaining 4 hours automatically segmented at the phone level A 45 minute-subset of this material has been hand-labeled w.r.t. stress accent The remaining 4 hours of the corpus has been automatically labeled w.r.t. stress accent (though is not used in the current analyses) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed

32 Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this material has been manually transcribed 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllable level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level The remaining 4 hours automatically segmented at the phone level A 45 minute-subset of this material has been hand-labeled w.r.t. stress accent The remaining 4 hours of the corpus has been automatically labeled w.r.t. stress accent (though is not used in the current analyses) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality

33 Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented) Most of this material has been manually transcribed 4 hours labeled at the phone level and segmented at the syllable level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the phonetic-segment level The remaining 4 hours automatically segmented at the phone level A 45 minute-subset of this material has been hand-labeled w.r.t. stress accent The remaining 4 hours of the corpus has been automatically labeled w.r.t. stress accent (though is not used in the current analyses) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality Transcription System A variant of Arpabet (same as used for the TIMIT corpus)

34 Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English The Data are Available at ….

35 Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English The Data are Available at …. http://www.icsi/berkeley.edu/real/stp

36 Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent using perceptual criteria

37 Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent using perceptual criteria Three levels of accent were distinguished:

38 Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent using perceptual criteria Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy

39 Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent using perceptual criteria Three levels of accent were distinguished: HeavyLight

40 Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent using perceptual criteria Three levels of accent were distinguished: HeavyLightNone

41 Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent using perceptual criteria Three levels of accent were distinguished: HeavyLightNone

42 Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent using perceptual criteria Three levels of accent were distinguished: HeavyLightNone (In actuality, labelers assigned a “1” to fully accented syllables, a “null” to completely unaccented syllables, and a “0.5” to all others)

43 Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent using perceptual criteria Three levels of accent were distinguished: HeavyLightNone (In actuality, labelers assigned a “1” to fully accented syllables, a “null” to completely unaccented syllables, and a “0.5” to all others) An example of the annotation (attached to the vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent levels could not be derived from a dictionary)

44 Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent using perceptual criteria Three levels of accent were distinguished: HeavyLightNone (In actuality, labelers assigned a “1” to fully accented syllables, a “null” to completely unaccented syllables, and a “0.5” to all others) An example of the annotation (attached to the vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent levels could not be derived from a dictionary) In this example most of the syllables are unaccented, with two labeled as lightly accented (0.5)

45 Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent using perceptual criteria Three levels of accent were distinguished: HeavyLightNone (In actuality, labelers assigned a “1” to fully accented syllables, a “null” to completely unaccented syllables, and a “0.5” to all others) An example of the annotation (attached to the vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent levels could not be derived from a dictionary) In this example most of the syllables are unaccented, with two labeled as lightly accented (0.5) (and one other labeled as very lightly accented (0.25))

46 The data are available at …. Annotation of Stress Accent

47 The data are available at …. http://www.icsi/berkeley.edu/~steveng/prosody Annotation of Stress Accent

48 Automatic Labeling of Stress Accent This forty-five minutes of hand-labeled prosodic (and phonetic) annotation from the Switchboard corpus was used as training data for development of an Automatic Stress Accent Labeling System (AutoSAL)

49 How Good is AutoSAL? There is an 79% concordance between human and machine accent labels when the tolerance level is a quarter-step

50 How Good is AutoSAL? There is an 79% concordance between human and machine accent labels when the tolerance level is a quarter-step There is 97.5% concordance when the tolerance level is half a step

51 How Good is AutoSAL? There is an 79% concordance between human and machine accent labels when the tolerance level is a quarter-step There is 97.5% concordance when the tolerance level is half a step This degree of concordance is as high as that exhibited by two highly trained (human) transcribers

52 What are the most important features for simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL? Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

53 What are the most important features for simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL? AutoSAL Features – The Full Monty

54 What are the most important features for simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL? Duration Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

55 What are the most important features for simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL? Duration, (normalized) energy Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

56 What are the most important features for simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL? Duration, (normalized) energy, vocalic identity Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

57 What are the most important features for simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL? Duration, (normalized) energy, vocalic identity (and its acoustic correlates) Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

58 What are the most important features for simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL? Duration, (normalized) energy, vocalic identity (and its acoustic correlates) Pitch-related features are (relatively) unimportant for stress-accent labeling Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

59 What are the most important features for simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL? Duration, (normalized) energy, vocalic identity (and its acoustic correlates) Pitch-related features are (relatively) unimportant for stress-accent labeling The Full Monty…. Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

60 AutoSAL – The Full Monty (in text) 45 feature sets were used in a near-exhaustive search for the most relevant parameters associated with stress accent

61 What are the most important features for simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL? Duration, (normalized) energy, vocalic identity (and its acoustic correlates) Pitch-related features are (relatively) unimportant for stress-accent labeling AutoSAL Features – The Full Monty

62 PART THREE Stress Accent and Syllable Position

63 All Segments Pronunciation Variation – Syllable and Accent Deletions Insertions Substitutions Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable CODA Territory ONSET Territory NUCLEUS Territory

64 All Segments Pronunciation Variation – Syllable and Accent Deletions Insertions Substitutions Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable Particularly when stress accent is also taken into account CODA Territory ONSET Territory NUCLEUS Territory

65 Pronunciation Variation – Syllable and Accent Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable Particularly when stress accent is also taken into account BOTH syllable structure and accent level are required for a full accounting All Segments Deletions Insertions Substitutions CODA Territory ONSET Territory NUCLEUS Territory

66 PART FOUR Stress Accent and the Vocalic Nucleus

67 Durational Differences - Stressed/Unstressed There is a large dynamic range in duration between accented and unaccented vocalic nuclei Canonical Syllable Forms

68 Durational Differences - Stressed/Unstressed There is a large dynamic range in duration between accented and unaccented vocalic nuclei Moreover, diphthongs and tense, low monophthongs tend to exhibit a larger dynamic range than the lax monophthongs Canonical Syllable Forms

69 Durational Differences - Stressed/Unstressed There is a large dynamic range in duration between accented and unaccented vocalic nuclei Moreover, diphthongs and tense, low monophthongs tend to exhibit a larger dynamic range than the lax monophthongs Canonical Syllable Forms Lax monophthongs

70 The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically Canonical PronunciationsNon-Canonical Pronunciations Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent

71 The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically Low vowels are largely the province of accented syllables Canonical PronunciationsNon-Canonical Pronunciations Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent

72 The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically Low vowels are largely the province of accented syllables, and High vowels the province of unaccented syllables Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent Canonical PronunciationsNon-Canonical Pronunciations

73 The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically Low vowels are largely the province of accented syllables, and High vowels the province of unaccented syllables Moreover, there’s a lexical bias towards high vowels for unaccented forms Canonical PronunciationsNon-Canonical Pronunciations Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent

74 The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically Low vowels are largely the province of accented syllables, and High vowels the province of unaccented syllables Moreover, there’s a lexical bias towards high vowels for unaccented forms That’s reinforced in patterns of deviation from canonical pronunciation Canonical PronunciationsNon-Canonical Pronunciations Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent

75 Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical Amount of ChangeDirection of Change Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented

76 Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical Amount of ChangeDirection of Change Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented Vocalic lowering of height is rare

77 Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical Amount of ChangeDirection of Change Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented Vocalic lowering of height is rare Most deviations from the canonical maintain vowel height

78 Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical Amount of ChangeDirection of Change Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented Vocalic lowering of height is rare Most deviations from the canonical maintain vowel height More than a single height step deviation is uncommon

79 Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical Amount of ChangeDirection of Change Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented Vocalic lowering of height is rare Most deviations from the canonical maintain vowel height More than a single height step deviation is uncommon Virtually all 2-step height deviations occur in unaccented syllables

80 The Vowel Space Under (Full) Stress (Accent) In unaccented nuclei there is a relatively even distribution of segments across the vowel space, with a slight bias towards the front and central vowels

81 The Vowel Space Under (Full) Stress (Accent) In unaccented nuclei there is a relatively even distribution of segments across the vowel space, with a slight bias towards the front and central vowels Canonical Vowels Only

82 In unaccented syllables, vowels are confined largely to the high-front and high-central sectors of the articulatory space The Vowel Space Without (Stress) Accent

83 In unaccented syllables, vowels are confined largely to the high-front and high-central sectors of the articulatory space The Vowel Space Without (Stress) Accent Canonical Vowels Only

84 In unaccented syllables, vowels are confined largely to the high-front and high-central sectors of the articulatory space The low and mid vowels “get creamed” The Vowel Space Without (Stress) Accent Canonical Vowels Only

85 Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space The Vowel Spaces Compared Heavily AccentedUnaccented Canonical Vowels Only

86 Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space High vowels are largely associated with unaccented syllables The Vowel Spaces Compared Heavily AccentedUnaccented Canonical Vowels Only

87 Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space High vowels are largely associated with unaccented syllables Low vowels are mostly associated with accented forms The Vowel Spaces Compared Heavily AccentedUnaccented Canonical Vowels Only

88 Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space High vowels are largely associated with unaccented syllables Low vowels are mostly associated with accented forms This distinction between accented and unaccented syllables is of profound importance for understanding (and modeling) pronunciation variation The Vowel Spaces Compared Heavily AccentedUnaccented Canonical Vowels Only

89 PART FIVE Stress Accent’s Impact on Syllable Onsets and Codas

90 Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to “lexical access”

91 Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to “lexical access” It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level

92 Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to “lexical access” It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level Usually, non-canonical realizations are manifest as segmental deletions

93 Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to “lexical access” It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level Usually, non-canonical realizations are manifest as segmental deletions (there are also durational ramifications, as discussed in my TIPS presentation earlier in the week)

94 Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to “lexical access” It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level Usually, non-canonical realizations are manifest as segmental deletions (there are also durational ramifications, as discussed in my TIPS presentation earlier in the week) But before we examine the segmental patterns, a brief primer is presented on the articulatory basis of segmental production

95 Place of Articulation – A Brief Primer The tongue contacts (or nearly so) the roof of the mouth in producing many of the consonantal sounds in English Anterior Labial [p] [b] [m] Labio-dental [f] [v] Inter-dental [th] [dh] Central Alveolar [t] [d] [n] [s] [z] Posterior Palatal [sh] [zh] Velar [k] [g] [ng] Chameleon Rhoticized [r] Lateral [l] Approximant [hh] From Daniloff (1973)

96 Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable Onsets The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR onsets are generally canonically realized (the exceptions typically function as “junctures,” rather than as segments) C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N 0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants

97 Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable Onsets The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR onsets are generally canonically realized (the exceptions typically function as “junctures,” rather than as segments) The CENTRAL and PLACE CHAMELEON onsets are often non-canonical (and also often function as “junctures”) C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N 0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants

98 Stress accent’s impact on syllable codas differs from that of onsets Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable Codas

99 Stress accent’s impact on syllable codas differs from that of onsets There is a far greater probability of segmental deletion in coda constituents Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable Codas

100 Stress accent’s impact on syllable codas differs from that of onsets There is a far greater probability of segmental deletion in coda constituents Accent level exerts a powerful influence on segmental deletion, as well as on segmental duration Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable Codas

101 The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR codas are generally canonically realized (the exceptions typically function as “junctures,” rather than segments) C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N 0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants

102 Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable Codas The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR codas are generally canonically realized (the exceptions typically function as “junctures,” rather than segments) The CENTRAL and PLACE CHAMELEON segments are often non-canonical (and also often function as “junctures”) C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N 0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants

103 Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas Onsets tend to be more stable than codas C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N 0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants

104 Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas Onsets tend to be more stable than codas The centrally articulated segments are highly unstable in both contexts C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N 0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants

105 Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas Onsets tend to be more stable than codas The centrally articulated segments are highly unstable in both contexts As are the place chameleons C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N 0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants

106 Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas Onsets tend to be more stable than codas The centrally articulated segments are highly unstable in both contexts As are the place chameleons The unstable anterior and posterior phones are mostly “junctures” C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N 0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants

107 FINALE What’s Going on in Pronunciation?

108 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

109 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

110 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

111 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

112 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

113 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

114 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels form two basic groups – What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

115 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

116 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

117 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

118 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

119 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space Certain segments are actually junctures – e.g., the flaps and the glottal stop What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

120 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space Certain segments are actually junctures – e.g., the flaps and the glottal stop Several other so-called segments are junctures as well What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

121 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space Certain segments are actually junctures – e.g., the flaps and the glottal stop Several other so-called segments are junctures as well (as they function like flaps), the most noteworthy examples being [dh] and [v] What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

122 With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space Certain segments are actually junctures – e.g., the flaps and the glottal stop Several other so-called segments are junctures as well (as they function like flaps), the most noteworthy examples being [dh] and [v] None of these properties is consistent with a segmental model of language What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

123 That’s All, Folks Many Thanks for Your Time and Attention


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