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Migration and Activism in Greece during the Economic Crisis Georgios Karyotis (Strathclyde University) Dimitris Skleparis (Queen Mary, University of London) ‘Immigrants in Europe: Between the Eurozone Crisis and the Arab Spring’, University of Westminster, London, 9 Nov 2012
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1. Background From emigration to immigration Heightened public anxieties Lack of coherent immigration policy Hunger strike: 300 migrants, 44 days in Jan 2011 Temporary visibility, then back to obscurity Face-to-face interviews with 52 strikers (July 2012) Funded by the Carnegie Trust
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Research Aims The aim of this paper is twofold: 1.Evaluate the individual drivers behind the protest mobilisation, the migrants’ aims and expectations and the social networks that facilitated their participation in the hunger strike. 2.Discuss the migrants’ own evaluation of the outcomes of their protest action and their overall assessment of the impact of the economic crisis on the migrant experience
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2. Migrant Protest Literature Common Problems Lack of primary data. Migrant voices under-represented Lack of specificity about types of mobilisations and migrants Focus on isolated factors and single explanations Common Fallacies Undocumented migrants’ mobilisations considered improbable Migrants seen as victims, incapable of bearing any form of political agency Hunger strikes seen as pathological, not political acts
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3. Theory: Drivers of Protest Aggregate-level and national context Individual-level drivers Four main political behaviour approaches – Relative Deprivation – Resources and Social Networks – Ideology and Political Values – Rational Choice
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Drivers of Migrant Protest Relative Deprivation: Unfairness (Chimienti 2011), ‘felt’ deprivation (Gurr, 1970) Exclusion from labour market (Iskander 2007), Abuse, group segregation/threats, racism (e.g. Okamoto, and Ebert, 2010) Resistance as ‘act of desperation’, not act of empowerment (Ellermann, 2010) Resources and Social Networks Biographical availability (McAdam, 1986) and ‘socio-economic status’ (SES) Organisational resources (Rim, 2009), civil society (Laubenthal 2007), advocacy groups (Guzman, 2008) and elite allies/militants (Simeant 1994) Social embeddedness (Klandermans, 2008) and political opportunities (Koopmans et al 2005)
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Drivers of Migrant Protest Ideology and Political Values Left-wing Interest in politics Postmaterialism Rational Choice Redress grievances at affordable costs (Klandermans, 2008). Personal political efficacy (Sanders et al, 2005; Klandermans, 2008) More restrictive immigration policies (e.g. Laubenthal 2007).
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4. The 2011 Migrant Hunger Strike 284 participants, residing in Crete Maghreb countries nationals, mostly Morocco Mid to late 20s; construction and agriculture 73% have been in Greece for over 5 years Figure 1: Entry Points
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To what extent did any of the following influence your decision to come to Greece (in %)? Push-Pull Factors Ease
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Aims Primary: Residence/work permits Secondary: Improve living conditions Outcomes Successes: temporary residence status, visit home country, less police harassment Failures: health, no work permit Aims and Outcomes of Mobilisation
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Evaluations of Key Actors How positive or negative would you say the involvement of each of the following actors was in the strike action? (in %)
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5. Drivers of Mobilisation Relative Deprivation Life much (62%) or a bit worse (29%) after the economic crisis Less jobs, more racism 20% unemployed 46% have experienced physical or verbal abuse 29% reported ‘anger’ or ‘despair’ (or both) before the protest action
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Levels of Satisfaction How satisfied or dissatisfied would you say you are nowadays with... (in %)
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Resources and Social Networks Biographical availability Existence of militant networks and support by political parties 83% are members of voluntary organisations Face-to-face recruitment through friend/acquaintance Community networks Prior Protest Experience
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Ideology and Political Values Interest in Politics Left-Right Orientation Postmaterialist values
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Rational Choice
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Emotions: Before and After Which, if any, of the following words describe your feelings about your overall experience with the hunger strike action and its aftermath?
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Participation in Future Radical Protest Greater political interest, more ideologically defined, political efficacy and rational choice Bivariate Correlations: Evaluation of organisers role Evaluation of government’s role Personal political Efficacy Involvement in politics beneficial Put life at risk by strike Satisfaction with life as whole Feeling of anger or despair Take Part in Future Radical Protest -.360**.287*.319*---
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Participation in Future Radical Protest Greater political interest, more ideologically defined, political efficacy and rational choice Bivariate Correlations: Evaluation of organisers role Evaluation of government’s role Personal political Efficacy Involvement in politics beneficial Put life at risk by strike Satisfaction with life as whole Feeling of anger or despair Take Part in Future Radical Protest -.360**.287*.319*--- Goals of Hunger Strike achieved.473**.284*---.471**.381**-
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6. Conclusion The effect of the economic crisis on migration The political and economic context The choice of ‘hunger strike’ as a form of protest Radical protest as a ‘political act’ not a ‘desperation act’ Implications for theories of political behaviour
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Implications for politics Increased racial tensions and attacks on migrants Government locked in security logic Political cost of further radical protest
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