1. The Phonetic Patterning of Spontaneous American English Discourse Steven Greenberg, Hannah Carvey, Leah Hitchcock and Shuangyu Chang International Computer Science Institute 1947 Center Street, Berkeley, CA 94704 {steveng, hmcarvey, leahh, shawnc}@icsi.berkeley.edu

2. Acknowledgements and Thanks Research Funding U.S. Department of Defense U.S. National Science Foundation

3. For Further Information Consult the web site: www.icsi.berkeley.edu/~steveng

4. OVERTURE A Central Challenge for Models of Speech Recognition

5. Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech Pronunciation patterns encountered in everyday life are extremely diverse

6. Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech Pronunciation patterns encountered in everyday life are extremely diverse There are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced

7. Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech Pronunciation patterns encountered in everyday life are extremely diverse There are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced (as the following two slides illustrate for the word “AND” based on manual phonetic annotation of a corpus comprising telephone dialogues)

8. How Many Pronunciations of “and”? NPronunciationN Canonical pronunciation

9. How Many Pronunciations of “and”? NPronunciationN

10. Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech The are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced And as the following slide illustrates for the 20 most frequent words from the same corpus (Switchboard)

11. Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech The are literally dozens of ways in which common words are pronounced And as the following slide illustrates for the 20 most frequent words from the same corpus (Switchboard) (which together account for 35% of the word tokens in the corpus)

12. How Many Different Pronunciations? RankWordN#Pron Most Common Pronunciation MCP %Total The 20 most frequent words account for 35% of the tokens

13. QUESTION How DO listeners decode the speech signal given the HUGE variation in pronunciation?

14. INTRODUCTION The Importance of the Syllable

15. The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to the syllable

16. The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to the syllable In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental identity it is necessary to partition the data in terms of ordinal position within the syllable

17. The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to the syllable In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental identity it is necessary to partition the data in terms of ordinal position within the syllable, as well as stress accent (which reflects syllable prominence)

18. The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to the syllable In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental identity it is necessary to partition the data in terms of ordinal position within the syllable, as well as stress accent (which reflects syllable prominence) As a consequence, we will examine syllable onsets, nuclei and codas separately in order to gain insight into the underlying patterns

19. The Importance of the Syllable The analyses to follow are all linked, in some fashion, to the syllable In order to highlight patterns germane to variation in segmental identity it is necessary to partition the data in terms of ordinal position within the syllable, as well as stress accent (which reflects syllable prominence) As a consequence, we will examine syllable onsets, nuclei and codas separately in order to gain insight into the underlying patterns As well as gauge the impact of syllable prominence on phonetic patterning

20. “J” = JUNCTURE OGI Numbers95 corpus Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA

21. “J” = JUNCTURE OGI Numbers95 corpus Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition) Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated

22. “J” = JUNCTURE OGI Numbers95 corpus Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition) Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT) Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated

23. “J” = JUNCTURE OGI Numbers95 corpus Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition) Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT) Many syllables contain a CODA (also typically a CONSONANT) Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated

24. “J” = JUNCTURE OGI Numbers95 corpus Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition) Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT) Many syllables contain a CODA (also typically a CONSONANT) The most common syllable form in English is Onset + Nucleus + Coda (“Nine”) Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated

25. “J” = JUNCTURE OGI Numbers95 corpus Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition) Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT) Many syllables contain a CODA (also typically a CONSONANT) The most common syllable form in English is Onset + Nucleus + Coda (“Nine”) Followed in popularity by Onset + Nucleus (“Two”) Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated

26. “J” = JUNCTURE OGI Numbers95 corpus Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition) Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT) Many syllables contain a CODA (also typically a CONSONANT) The most common syllable form in English is Onset + Nucleus + Coda (“Nine”) Followed in popularity by Onset + Nucleus (“Two”) Note that onset segments often differ in significant ways from coda segments Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated

27. “J” = JUNCTURE OGI Numbers95 corpus Syllables generally consist of three constituents - ONSET, NUCLEUS, CODA Virtually all syllables contain a NUCLEUS, which is VOCALIC (by definition) Most (but not all) syllables also contain an ONSET (usually a CONSONANT) Many syllables contain a CODA (also typically a CONSONANT) The most common syllable form in English is Onset + Nucleus + Coda (“Nine”) Followed in popularity by Onset + Nucleus (“Two”) Note that onset segments often differ in significant ways from coda segments And that certain phones are actually “pure junctures” not segments Syllables and Phonetic Segments Illustrated

28. Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent) Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence

29. Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent) Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented

30. Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent) Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate)

31. Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent) Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate) In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes:

32. Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent) Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate) In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes: Duration

33. Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent) Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate) In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes: Duration, Amplitude

34. Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent) Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate) In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes: Duration, Amplitude, Vocalic Spectrum

35. Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent) Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate) In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes: Duration, Amplitude, Vocalic Spectrum, Fundamental Frequency

36. Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent) Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate) In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes: Duration, Amplitude, Vocalic Spectrum, Fundamental Frequency (among others)

37. Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent) Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate) In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes: Duration, Amplitude, Vocalic Spectrum, Fundamental Frequency (among others) Accent magnitude is an important parameter for understanding pronunciation variation (at least in American English)

38. Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent) Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate) In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes: Duration, Amplitude, Vocalic Spectrum, Fundamental Frequency (among others) Accent magnitude is an important parameter for understanding pronunciation variation (at least in American English) A straightforward means of illustrating the difference between accented and unaccented syllables is shown on the following slide

39. Syllable Prominence (Stress Accent) Syllables vary with respect to their perceptual (and linguistic) prominence Some syllables are heavily accented, while others are completely unaccented A certain proportion of syllables are accented, but not heavily (i.e., intermediate) In English, the accent system is associated with syllabic stress, which is based on a broad constellation of acoustic parameters that includes: Duration, Amplitude, Vocalic Spectrum, Fundamental Frequency (among others) Accent magnitude is an important parameter for understanding pronunciation variation (at least in American English) A straightforward means of illustrating the difference between accented and unaccented syllables is shown on the following slide Which shows hundreds of instances of the word “seven” in a 3-D profile called a STeP (Spectro-Temporal Profile)

40. Syllable Prominence (Accent) Illustrated [s] [eh] [vx] [en] juncture accented syllable unaccented syllable “Seven” mean duration Full-spectrum perspective OGI Numbers95 [s] [eh] [vx] [en] Nucleus Onset Ambi-syllabic Nucleus Juncture

41. PART ONE Phonetic and Prosodic Annotatation

42. Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented)

43. Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed

44. Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality

45. Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality This material has been MANUALLY annotated

46. Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level

47. Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level 4 hours LABELED at the phone level and SEGMENTED wrt syllable boundaries

48. Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level 4 hours LABELED at the phone level and SEGMENTED wrt syllable boundaries The latter material SEGMENTED into PHONES using AUTOMATIC methods

49. Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level 4 hours LABELED at the phone level and SEGMENTED wrt syllable boundaries The latter material SEGMENTED into PHONES using AUTOMATIC methods 45 minutes of HAND-LABELED, STRESS-ACCENT material

50. Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level 4 hours LABELED at the phone level and SEGMENTED wrt syllable boundaries The latter material SEGMENTED into PHONES using AUTOMATIC methods 45 minutes of HAND-LABELED, STRESS-ACCENT material An additional four hours of stress-accent material automatically labeled

51. Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level 4 hours LABELED at the phone level and SEGMENTED wrt syllable boundaries The latter material SEGMENTED into PHONES using AUTOMATIC methods 45 minutes of HAND-LABELED, STRESS-ACCENT material An additional four hours of stress-accent material automatically labeled (though NOT used in the current analysis)

52. Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English Telephone dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration, from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been phonetically transcribed (labeled and segmented) There is a Lot of Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans speech of both genders (ca. 50/50%), reflecting a wide range of American dialectal variation, speaking rate and voice quality This material has been MANUALLY annotated 1 hour LABELED and SEGMENTED at the phonetic-segment level 4 hours LABELED at the phone level and SEGMENTED wrt syllable boundaries The latter material SEGMENTED into PHONES using AUTOMATIC methods 45 minutes of HAND-LABELED, STRESS-ACCENT material An additional four hours of stress-accent material automatically labeled (though NOT used in the current analysis) Transcription System A variant of Arpabet, a fairly broad phonetic transcription orthography

53. Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English The Data are Available at ….

54. Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English The Data are Available at …. http://www.icsi.berkeley.edu/real/stp

55. Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence)

56. Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence) Three levels of accent were distinguished:

57. Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence) Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy

58. Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence) Three levels of accent were distinguished: HeavyLight

59. Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence) Three levels of accent were distinguished: HeavyLightNone

60. Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence) Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy (1)Light (0.5)None (0)

61. Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence) Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy (1)Light (0.5)None (0) (In actuality, labelers assigned a “1” to fully accented syllables, a “null” to completely unaccented syllables, and a “0.5” to all others)

62. Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence) Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy (1)Light (0.5)None (0) (In actuality, labelers assigned a “1” to fully accented syllables, a “null” to completely unaccented syllables, and a “0.5” to all others) An example of the annotation (attached to the vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent levels could not be derived from a dictionary)

63. Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence) Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy (1)Light (0.5)None (0) (In actuality, labelers assigned a “1” to fully accented syllables, a “null” to completely unaccented syllables, and a “0.5” to all others) An example of the annotation (attached to the vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent levels could not be derived from a dictionary) In this example most of the syllables are unaccented, with two labeled as lightly accented (0.5)

64. Annotation of Stress Accent Forty-five minutes of the phonetically annotated portion of the Switchboard corpus was manually labeled with respect to stress accent (prominence) Three levels of accent were distinguished: Heavy (1)Light (0.5)None (0) (In actuality, labelers assigned a “1” to fully accented syllables, a “null” to completely unaccented syllables, and a “0.5” to all others) An example of the annotation (attached to the vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent levels could not be derived from a dictionary) In this example most of the syllables are unaccented, with two labeled as lightly accented (0.5) (and one other labeled as very lightly accented (0.25))

65. The data are available at …. Annotation of Stress Accent

66. The data are available at …. http://www.icsi.berkeley.edu/~steveng/prosody Annotation of Stress Accent

67. PART TWO Stress Accent and Syllable Position

68. The Importance of Syllable Structure Before going into the details of phonetic variation at the segmental level we briefly examine some GENERAL patterns of pronunciation variation that are conditioned by syllable position and stress accent

69. The Importance of Syllable Structure Before going into the details of phonetic variation at the segmental level we briefly examine some GENERAL patterns of pronunciation variation that are conditioned by syllable position and stress accent In the analyses to follow, the phonetically realized data (from the phonetic transcripts) are directly compared to the “canonical” pronunciations (from a dictionary)

70. The Importance of Syllable Structure Before going into the details of phonetic variation at the segmental level we briefly examine some GENERAL patterns of pronunciation variation that are conditioned by syllable position and stress accent In the analyses to follow, the phonetically realized data (from the phonetic transcripts) are directly compared to the “canonical” pronunciations (from a dictionary) The analyses are therefore in terms of “deviation from canonical” pronunciation

71. The Importance of Syllable Structure Before going into the details of phonetic variation at the segmental level we briefly examine some GENERAL patterns of pronunciation variation that are conditioned by syllable position and stress accent In the analyses to follow, the phonetically realized data (from the phonetic transcripts) are directly compared to the “canonical” pronunciations (from a dictionary) The analyses are therefore in terms of “deviation from canonical” pronunciation Such data serve to illustrate the sort of variation observed that is conditioned by position within the syllable (i.e., “ONSET” - “NUCLEUS” - “CODA”)

72. Pronunciation Variation – Syllable and Accent Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable

73. Pronunciation Variation – Syllable and Accent Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable Particularly when stress accent is also taken into account

74. Pronunciation Variation – Syllable and Accent Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable Particularly when stress accent is also taken into account Both SYLLABLE STRUCTURE and STRESS-ACCENT LEVEL are required for a full account

75. Pronunciation Variation – Syllable and Accent All Segments Pronunciation variation is systematic at the level of the syllable Particularly when stress accent is also taken into account Both SYLLABLE STRUCTURE and STRESS-ACCENT LEVEL are required for a full account

76. Pronunciation Variation – Substitutions NUCLEUS Territory Most of the SUBSTITUTION deviations occur in the NUCLEUS

77. Pronunciation Variation – Substitutions NUCLEUS Territory Most of the SUBSTITUTION deviations occur in the NUCLEUS Stress accent level has a profound impact on the probability of substitutions

78. Pronunciation Variation – Substitutions NUCLEUS Territory Most of the SUBSTITUTION deviations occur in the NUCLEUS Stress accent level has a profound impact on the probability of substitutions Particularly in the nucleus

79. Pronunciation Variation – Substitutions NUCLEUS Territory Most of the SUBSTITUTION deviations occur in the NUCLEUS Stress accent level has a profound impact on the probability of substitutions Particularly in the nucleus, but also in the onset

80. Pronunciation Variation – Substitutions NUCLEUS Territory Most of the SUBSTITUTION deviations occur in the NUCLEUS Stress accent level has a profound impact on the probability of substitutions Particularly in the nucleus, but also in the onset (but not in the coda)

81. Pronunciation Variation – Deletions Most of the DELETION deviations occur in the CODA CODA Territory

82. Pronunciation Variation – Deletions Most of the DELETION deviations occur in the CODA Stress accent has a significant impact on the probability of deletions CODA Territory

83. Pronunciation Variation – Deletions Most of the DELETION deviations occur in the CODA Stress accent has a significant impact on the probability of deletions Particularly in the coda CODA Territory

84. Pronunciation Variation – Deletions Most of the DELETION deviations occur in the CODA Stress accent has a significant impact on the probability of deletions Particularly in the coda, but also in the onset as well CODA Territory

85. Pronunciation Variation – Insertions ONSET Territory Most of the INSERTION deviations occur in the ONSET

86. Pronunciation Variation – Summary All SegmentsDeletions InsertionsSubstitutions CODA Territory ONSET Territory NUCLEUS Territory Different components of the syllable are “specialized” wrt to pronunciation patterns

87. Pronunciation Variation – Summary All SegmentsDeletions InsertionsSubstitutions CODA Territory ONSET Territory NUCLEUS Territory Different components of the syllable are “specialized” wrt to pronunciation patterns (at least with respect to deviation from the canonical form)

88. Pronunciation Variation – Summary All SegmentsDeletions InsertionsSubstitutions CODA Territory ONSET Territory NUCLEUS Territory Different components of the syllable are “specialized” wrt to pronunciation patterns (at least with respect to deviation from the canonical form) The NUCLEUS is associated with SUBSTITUTIONS

89. Pronunciation Variation – Summary All SegmentsDeletions InsertionsSubstitutions CODA Territory ONSET Territory NUCLEUS Territory Different components of the syllable are “specialized” wrt to pronunciation patterns (at least with respect to deviation from the canonical form) The NUCLEUS is associated with SUBSTITUTIONS The CODA is associated with DELETIONS

90. Pronunciation Variation – Summary All SegmentsDeletions InsertionsSubstitutions CODA Territory ONSET Territory NUCLEUS Territory Different components of the syllable are “specialized” wrt to pronunciation patterns (at least with respect to deviation from the canonical form) The NUCLEUS is associated with SUBSTITUTIONS The CODA is associated with DELETIONS, and the ONSET with INSERTIONS

91. PART THREE Stress Accent and the Vocalic Nucleus

92. Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties – both related to the motion of the tongue A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics

93. Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties – both related to the motion of the tongue The front-back plane is most closely associated with the second formant frequency (or more precisely F2 - F1) and the volume of the front-cavity resonance A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics

94. Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties – both related to the motion of the tongue The front-back plane is most closely associated with the second formant frequency (or more precisely F2 - F1) and the volume of the front-cavity resonance The height parameter is closely linked to the frequency of F1 A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics

95. Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties – both related to the motion of the tongue The front-back plane is most closely associated with the second formant frequency (or more precisely F2 - F1) and the volume of the front-cavity resonance The height parameter is closely linked to the frequency of F1 In the classic vowel “triangle,” segments are positioned in terms of the tongue positions associated with their production, as follows: A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics

96. Vowel quality is generally thought to be a function primarily of two articulatory properties – both related to the motion of the tongue The front-back plane is most closely associated with the second formant frequency (or more precisely F2 - F1) and the volume of the front-cavity resonance The height parameter is closely linked to the frequency of F1 In the classic vowel “triangle,” segments are positioned in terms of the tongue positions associated with their production, as follows: A Brief Primer on Vocalic Acoustics

97. In the following slides duration is plotted on a 2-D grid, where the x-axis represents the (hypothetical) front-back tongue position Spatial Patterning of Duration et al.

98. In the following slides duration is plotted on a 2-D grid, where the x-axis represents the (hypothetical) front-back tongue position (and hence remains a constant throughout the plots to follow) Spatial Patterning of Duration et al.

99. In the following slides duration is plotted on a 2-D grid, where the x-axis represents the (hypothetical) front-back tongue position (and hence remains a constant throughout the plots to follow) The y-axis serves as the dependent measure, expressed in terms of either duration or the proportion of fully stressed (or unstressed) nuclei Spatial Patterning of Duration et al.

100. Vocalic Identity Among Unstressed Nuclei The high, lax monophthongs are almost always unstressed

101. Vocalic Identity Among Unstressed Nuclei The high, lax monophthongs are almost always unstressed The low vowels, be they monophthongs or diphthongs, are rarely unstressed

102. The high vowels are rarely fully stressed Vocalic Identity Among Fully Stressed Nuclei

103. The high vowels are rarely fully stressed The low vowels, be they monophthongs or diphthongs, are far more likely to be fully stressed Vocalic Identity Among Fully Stressed Nuclei

104. The high vowels are rarely fully stressed The low vowels, be they monophthongs or diphthongs, are far more likely to be fully stressed An intermediate degree of stress accounts for the other vocalic instances Vocalic Identity Among Fully Stressed Nuclei

105. The high vowels are rarely fully stressed The low vowels, be they monophthongs or diphthongs, are far more likely to be fully stressed An intermediate degree of stress accounts for the other vocalic instances (but will not be addressed here) Vocalic Identity Among Fully Stressed Nuclei

106. The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent Canonical PronunciationsNon-Canonical Pronunciations

107. The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically Low vowels are largely the province of accented syllables Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent Canonical PronunciationsNon-Canonical Pronunciations

108. The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically Low vowels are largely the province of accented syllables, and High vowels the province of unaccented syllables Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent Canonical PronunciationsNon-Canonical Pronunciations

109. The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically Low vowels are largely the province of accented syllables, and High vowels the province of unaccented syllables Moreover, there’s a lexical bias towards high vowels for unaccented forms Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent Canonical PronunciationsNon-Canonical Pronunciations

110. Vocalic Variation – Importance of Stress Accent Canonical PronunciationsNon-Canonical Pronunciations The vowels of heavily accented syllables are (mostly) pronounced canonically Low vowels are largely the province of accented syllables, and High vowels the province of unaccented syllables Moreover, there’s a lexical bias towards high vowels for unaccented forms That’s reinforced in patterns of deviation from canonical pronunciation

111. Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented Amount of ChangeDirection of Change

112. Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented Vocalic lowering of height is rare Amount of ChangeDirection of Change

113. Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented Vocalic lowering of height is rare Most deviations from the canonical maintain vowel height Amount of ChangeDirection of Change

114. Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented Vocalic lowering of height is rare Most deviations from the canonical maintain vowel height More than a single height step deviation is uncommon Amount of ChangeDirection of Change

115. Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to descend when unaccented Vocalic lowering of height is rare Most deviations from the canonical maintain vowel height More than a single height step deviation is uncommon Virtually all 2-step height deviations occur in unaccented syllables Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical Amount of ChangeDirection of Change

116. The Vowel Space Under (Full) Stress (Accent) In HEAVILY ACCENTED nuclei there is a relatively even distribution of segments across the vowel space, with a slight bias towards the front and central vowels Canonical Vowels Only

117. In UNACCENTED syllables vowels are confined largely to the high-front and high-central sectors of the articulatory space The Vowel Space Without (Stress) Accent Canonical Vowels Only

118. In unaccented syllables vowels are confined largely to the high-front and high-central sectors of the articulatory space The low and mid vowels “get creamed” The Vowel Space Without (Stress) Accent Canonical Vowels Only

119. Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space The Vowel Spaces Compared Canonical Vowels Only Heavily AccentedUnaccented

120. Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space High vowels are largely associated with unaccented syllables The Vowel Spaces Compared Canonical Vowels Only Heavily AccentedUnaccented

121. Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space High vowels are largely associated with unaccented syllables Low vowels are mostly associated with accented forms The Vowel Spaces Compared Canonical Vowels Only Heavily AccentedUnaccented

122. Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the character of the vowel space High vowels are largely associated with unaccented syllables Low vowels are mostly associated with accented forms This distinction between accented and unaccented syllables is of profound importance for understanding (and modeling) pronunciation variation The Vowel Spaces Compared Canonical Vowels Only Heavily AccentedUnaccented

123. PART FOUR Stress Accent’s Impact on Syllable Onsets

124. Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to “lexical access”

125. Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to “lexical access” It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level

126. Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to “lexical access” It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level Because of the onset’s key role in lexical access one might assume that its realization would be relatively stable across accent level

127. Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to “lexical access” It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level Because of the onset’s key role in lexical access one might assume that its realization would be relatively stable across accent level Let’s find out!

128. Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to “lexical access” It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level Because of the onset’s key role in lexical access one might assume that its realization would be relatively stable across accent level Let’s find out! But first ….

129. Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to “lexical access” It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level Because of the onset’s key role in lexical access one might assume that its realization would be relatively stable across accent level Let’s find out! But first …. A brief primer on place of articulation features

130. Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets The onset is often cited as the key syllabic constituent with respect to “lexical access” It is therefore of interest to ascertain how the onset’s phonetic realization behaves as a function of accent level Because of the onset’s key role in lexical access one might assume that its realization would be relatively stable across accent level Let’s find out! But first …. A brief primer on place of articulation features (which is necessary to understand the pronunciation patterns described)

131. Place of Articulation – A Brief Primer The tongue contacts (or nearly so) the roof of the mouth in producing many of the consonantal sounds in English. Place of articulation can also be associated with the lips From Daniloff (1973) Anterior Labial [p] [b] [m] Labio-dental [f] [v] Inter-dental [th] [dh] Central Alveolar [t] [d] [n] [s] [z] Posterior Palatal [sh] [zh] Velar [k] [g] [ng] Chameleon Rhoticized [r] Lateral [l] Approximant [hh] ANTERIOR CENTRAL POSTERIOR

132. Segmental Identity and Stress Accent And before we examine the segmental patterns in detail, a brief primer on the interpretation of these data ….

133. Road Map - How to Interpret the Data Compare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized)

134. Road Map - How to Interpret the Data Compare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns Most numbers in the YELLOW / ORANGE columns will be similar Numbers refer to instances of CANONICAL and OBSERVED (“transcribed”) segments Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized)

135. Road Map - How to Interpret the Data Compare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns Most numbers in the YELLOW / ORANGE columns will be similar Indicating that the phonetic realization of the segment is canonical (“C”) Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized)

136. Road Map - How to Interpret the Data Compare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns Most numbers in the YELLOW / ORANGE columns will be similar Indicating that the phonetic realization of the segment is canonical (“C”) A large disparity is marked with a blue box and indicates that there is a significant affect on pronunciation Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized)

137. Road Map - How to Interpret the Data Compare the numbers in the YELLOW and ORANGE columns Most numbers in the YELLOW / ORANGE columns will be similar Indicating that the phonetic realization of the segment is canonical (“C”) A large disparity is marked with a blue box and indicates that there is a significant affect on pronunciation And is labeled on the tables to follow as “N” (non-canonical) Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized)

138. Syllable Onset Statistics – ANTERIOR Place Stress accent has relatively little impact on anterior onset segments Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

139. Syllable Onset Statistics – ANTERIOR Place Stress accent has relatively little impact on anterior onset segments EXCEPT for [dh] and [y] Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

140. Syllable Onset Statistics – ANTERIOR Place Stress accent has relatively little impact on anterior onset segments EXCEPT for [dh] and [y] [dh] (as in “the” and “them”) tends to delete in many function words, as does [y] (as in “you”), although to a lesser extent than [dh] Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

141. Central segments tend to “disappear” under (absence of) stress (accent), particularly in unaccented syllables (N o ) Syllable Onset Statistics – CENTRAL Place Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

142. Central segments tend to “disappear” under (absence) of stress (accent), particularly in unaccented syllables (N o ) There is also a tendency for flaps ([dx] and [nx]) to insert under similar conditions, indicating that such elements substitute for the full forms Syllable Onset Statistics – CENTRAL Place Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

143. Syllable Onset Statistics – CENTRAL Place Central segments tend to “disappear” under (absence) of stress (accent), particularly in unaccented syllables (N o ) There is also a tendency for flaps ([dx] and [nx]) to insert under similar conditions, indicating that such elements substitute for the full forms In accented syllables, central (non-flap) segments are canonical in identity C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants

144. Syllable Onset Statistics – POSTERIOR Place Posterior segments are remarkably stable in onset position Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

145. Posterior segments are remarkably stable in onset position The only significant “deviation” from canonical realization is the intrusion of the glottal stop [q], which lacks phonemic status in English and functions as a “pure juncture” separating syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Syllable Onset Statistics – POSTERIOR Place

146. Syllable Onset Statistics – Place Chameleons “Chameleons” assimilate their place of articulation to the following vowel Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

147. Syllable Onset Statistics – Place Chameleons “Chameleons” assimilate their place of articulation to the following vowel They are relatively stable at syllable onset, EXCEPT in UNACCENTED forms Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

148. Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable Onsets The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR onsets are usually CANONICALLY realized (the exceptions typically function as “pure junctures,” not segments) Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

149. Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable Onsets The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR onsets are usually CANONICALLY realized (the exceptions typically function as “pure junctures,” not segments) The CENTRAL and PLACE CHAMELEON onsets are often non-canonical (the former often function as “pure junctures”), particularly in unaccented forms Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

150. PART FIVE Stress Accent’s Impact on Syllable Codas

151. Syllable Coda Statistics – ANTERIOR Place Anterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent) Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

152. Anterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent) The segments [m] and [v] are exceptions Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Syllable Coda Statistics – ANTERIOR Place

153. Anterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent) The segments [m] and [v] are exceptions – they often function as “flaps” in this context, and Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Syllable Coda Statistics – ANTERIOR Place

154. Anterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent) The segments [m] and [v] are exceptions – they often function as “flaps” in this context, and They tend to delete in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Syllable Coda Statistics – ANTERIOR Place

155. Syllable Coda Statistics – CENTRAL Place Central coda segments are extremely unstable under stress (accent) Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

156. Place of ArticulationApproximants Central coda segments are extremely unstable under stress (accent) (except for the voiceless fricative [s]) Syllable Coda Statistics – CENTRAL Place C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

157. The segments [t], [d] and [n] tend to delete in coda position, even in heavily accented syllables Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Statistics – CENTRAL Place

158. The segments [t], [d] and [n] tend to delete in coda position, even in heavily accented syllables The major effect of stress accent is its impact on the probability of segmental deletion (which is somewhat higher in unaccented forms) Can = Canonical form Trans = Transcribed (i.e., phonetically realized) Syllable Coda Statistics – CENTRAL Place

159. Syllable Coda Statistics – POSTERIOR Place Posterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent) Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

160. Posterior coda segments are relatively stable under stress (accent) The primary exceptions are [ng], which tends to delete in unaccented syllables, the affricate [jh] and the glottal stop [q] Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Syllable Coda Statistics – POSTERIOR Place

161. Syllable Coda Statistics – Place Chameleons Chameleon segments are unstable under stress (accent) Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

162. Syllable Coda Statistics – Place Chameleons Chameleon segments are unstable under stress (accent) This is particularly true for [l] (for all levels of accent), where many canonical segments transmute into [lg], particularly in accented forms Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

163. Syllable Coda Statistics – Place Chameleons Chameleon segments are unstable under stress (accent) This is particularly true for [l] (for all levels of accent), where many canonical segments transmute into [lg], particularly in accented forms The segment [r] tends to delete, particularly in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

164. Syllable Coda Statistics – Place Chameleons Chameleon segments are unstable under stress (accent) This is particularly true for [l] (for all levels of accent), where many canonical segments transmute into [lg], particularly in accented forms The segment [r] tends to delete, particularly in unaccented syllables In many respects coda chameleons behave like vowels Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

165. Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable Codas The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR codas are generally canonically realized (the exceptions typically function as “pure junctures,” not segments) C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N 0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants

166. Pronunciation Patterns – Syllable Codas The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR codas are generally canonically realized (the exceptions typically function as “pure junctures,” not segments) The CENTRAL and PLACE CHAMELEON segments are often non-canonical (and also often function as “pure junctures” or vocalic modifiers) C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N 0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants

167. PART SIX Onset and Coda Patterns Compared

168. Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas Onsets tend to be more stable (i.e., more canonical) than codas C = Canonical realization N = Non-canonical realization, N 0 = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables Place of ArticulationApproximants

169. Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas Onsets tend to be more stable (i.e., more canonical) than codas The coronal segments are unstable in both contexts, but more so in codas Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

170. Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas Onsets tend to be more stable (i.e., more canonical) than codas The coronal segments are unstable in both contexts, but more so in codas As are the place chameleons (which tend to behave like vowels) Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

171. Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas Onsets tend to be more stable (i.e., more canonical) than codas The coronal segments are unstable in both contexts, but more so in codas As are the place chameleons (which tend to behave like vowels) The unstable anterior and posterior phones are mostly “pure junctures” Place of ArticulationApproximants C = Canonical realization across accent levels N = Non-canonical realization, N o = Non-canonical in unaccented syllables

172. PART SEVEN The Special Status of Coronal Consonants

173. There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position) Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?

174. There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position) A significant proportion of these segments are phonetically unrealized Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?

175. There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position) A significant proportion of these segments are phonetically unrealized One potential “explanation” pertains to the trajectory of the second formant (reflecting the front cavity resonance) Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?

176. There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position) A significant proportion of these segments are phonetically unrealized One potential “explanation” pertains to the trajectory of the second formant (reflecting the front cavity resonance) The locus (target) frequency of alveolars is ca. 1500-2500 Hz, similar to the second formant of the front and central vowels Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?

177. There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position) A significant proportion of these segments are phonetically unrealized One potential “explanation” pertains to the trajectory of the second formant (reflecting the front cavity resonance) The locus (target) frequency of alveolars is ca. 1500-2500 Hz, similar to the second formant of the front and central vowels Given the preponderance of non-back vowels in the corpus (particularly in unaccented syllables), the second formant for vocalic segments preceding a coda consonant is likely to be between 1500 and 2500 Hz Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?

178. There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position) A significant proportion of these segments are phonetically unrealized One potential “explanation” pertains to the trajectory of the second formant (reflecting the front cavity resonance) The locus (target) frequency of alveolars is ca. 1500-2500 Hz, similar to the second formant of the front and central vowels Given the preponderance of non-back vowels in the corpus (particularly in unaccented syllables), the second formant for vocalic segments preceding a coda consonant is likely to be between 1500 and 2500 Hz Thus, the “absence” of a coda segment points, by implication, to the alveolar place of articulation under many circumstances Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?

179. There is something “special” about coronal segments (in coda position) A significant proportion of these segments are phonetically unrealized One potential “explanation” pertains to the trajectory of the second formant (reflecting the front cavity resonance) The locus (target) frequency of ALVEOLAR is ca. 1500-2500 Hz, similar to the second formant of the front and central vowels Given the preponderance of non-back vowels in the corpus (particularly in unaccented syllables), the second formant for vocalic segments preceding a coda consonant is likely to be between 1500 and 2500 Hz Thus, the “absence” of a coda segment points, by implication, to the alveolar place of articulation under many circumstances This hypothesis is schematically illustrated on the next two slides Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?

180. HEAVILY ACCENTED Syllables Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?

181. UNACCENTED Syllables Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?

182. There is something ELSE that is “special” about coronal segments in codas Why do Coronal Coda Segments “Delete” So Often?

183. Nearly three-quarters of the CODA consonants are CORONALS Preponderance of Coda Coronals All accent levels combined (canonical elements)

184. Nearly three-quarters of the CODA consonants are CORONALS In contrast is a far more equitable distribution across place among onsets Preponderance of Coda Coronals All accent levels combined (canonical elements)

185. Nearly three-quarters of the CODA consonants are CORONALS In contrast is a far more equitable distribution across place among onsets The disparity in place distribution in coda position implies that coronals are a “default” category Preponderance of Coda Coronals All accent levels combined (canonical elements)

186. Nearly three-quarters of the CODA consonants are CORONALS In contrast is a far more equitable distribution across place among onsets The disparity in place distribution in coda position implies that coronals are a “default” category, and that codas may contain less information than onsets Preponderance of Coda Coronals All accent levels combined (canonical elements)

187. Stress accent has relatively little impact on the distribution of place in either onset or coda segments Accent and Preponderance of Coda Coronals Unaccented and heavily accented levels combined (canonical elements)

188. Stress accent has relatively little impact on the distribution of place in either onset or coda segments Particularly with respect to the preponderance of coronal segments in codas Accent and Preponderance of Coda Coronals Unaccented and heavily accented levels combined (canonical elements)

189. Stress accent has relatively little impact on the distribution of place in either onset or coda segments Particularly with respect to the preponderance of coronal segments in codas Suggesting that codas are inherently less informative than onsets regardless of accent level Accent and Preponderance of Coda Coronals Unaccented and heavily accented levels combined (canonical elements)

190. FINALE What’s Going on in Pronunciation?

191. With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

192. With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

193. With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

194. With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

195. With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

196. With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels) What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

197. With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels) The vowels form two basic groups – What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

198. With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels) The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

199. With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels) The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

200. With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels) The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

201. With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels) The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

202. With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels) The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space The prevalence of coronal coda consonants is probably linked to the predominance of front and central vowels What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

203. With respect to onset and coda segments, there are two basic forms … (1) those that are relatively stable across accent level, and (2) those that are not Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation constriction is either anterior or posterior The centrally articulated stops and nasals are highly unstable, particularly in coda position and in unaccented syllables – they tend to delete The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are not very stable in either onset or coda position (and behave in many respects like vowels) The vowels form two basic groups – (1) accented and (2) unaccented The accented vowels are generally canonically realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the vowel space The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the high-front and high-central regions of the vowel space The prevalence of coronal coda consonants is probably linked to the predominance of front and central vowels Such patterns point to the likely importance of efficient information coding in the specification of the phonetic properties of spoken language What’s Going On? (in pronunciation)

204. That’s All Many Thanks for Your Time and Attention