2. Sentence-Level Effects on Alaskan Athabaskan Tone Siri G. Tuttle, University of Alaska Symposium in Honor of Gösta Bruce University of Lund, Sweden January 2007

3. Athabaskan Languages The Athabaskan family is the largest indigenous language family in North America. It includes languages spoken in Alaska, western Canada, on the Oregon and California coasts, and in Arizona and New Mexico.

6. Another View

7. Athabaskan tonogenesis While many of the languages have lexical tonal systems from the same proto-Athabaskan source (loss of syllable-final glottalic consonants; Leer 1979, Krauss 1978, 2005), these vary in reflex: some languages have high tone, some low, and some no tone at all. This is true within Alaska as within the whole language family.

9. Tone map in color

10. Athabaskan languages in Alaska

11. Tonal distribution in Alaska

12. Typology of Athabaskan prosodies  Tone – languages may or may not have lexical tone from proto-Athabaskan laryngealization Tonal reflex – some languages have high tone, some low, from the same historical source  Saturation – languages may or may not exhibit tonal saturation; many systems monovalent

13. Non-tonal (Ahtna)

14. Low-toned (Lower Tanana)

15. High tone from historical source

16. Low tone from historical source

17. +Saturated Navajo and Apache, with low tone from historic glottalization, have developed lexical high and mid tones on nearly all other prominent syllables (those with light vowels fall in with the low-toned), leaving few unmarked; these languages can be considered well-saturated. Tanacross (high tone from historical source) is also well-saturated, with both high and low tones specified (Holton 2005).

18. Saturated: San Carlos Apache

19. -Saturated In some of the eleven Alaskan Athabaskan languages, the majority of syllables are non- tonal, with only those reflecting proto- Athabaskan glottalization being “marked,” and the rest “unmarked,” to use terminology employed by Krauss and Leer. These languages can best be described as having sparse tonal systems.

20. Unsaturated: Minto, Lower Tanana

21. High tone spread in Tanacross

22. Minto spreading, with antitone

23. More Minto Spreading

24. No rightward spreading - Minto

25. Sentence type: question marker

26. Sentence type: Minto negative

27. Edge effects: final lowering

28. Summary Athabaskan languages in Alaska may have high, low or no tone from historic laryngealization. Tone may be sparse or saturated. Tone sandhi is found in both high and low toned languages Intonation interacts with tone in all languages surveyed. Saturation may affect the relationship with intonation.

29. Masi Chwx Thank you for listening

30. Selected references Krauss, Michael E. (2005). Athabaskan Tone. in Hargus, etc. pp. 55-136. Krauss, Michael E. (1978, 2005) “Athabaskan Tone.” In Hargus, Sharon and Keren Rice, Editors, Athabaskan Prosody. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Pp. 51-136. Krauss, Michael E. (1982) Notes on Salcha Athabaskan. Ms., Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center. Krauss, Michael E. (1982) Report on field session with Ellen Frank, March 17, 1996, and tentative conclusions about Minto tone. Ms., Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center. Jeff (1979) Proto-Athabaskan verb stem variation. Part 1: phonology. Alaska Native Language Center Research Papers No. 3. Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center. Tuttle, Siri G. (1998a) Metrical and tonal structures in Tanana Athabaskan. Doctoral dissertation, University of Washington. Tuttle, Siri G. (1998b) Acoustic realizations of laryngeal contrasts in Minto Athabaskan obstruents. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 103:3086 (Abstract). Tuttle, Siri G. (2003) Archival Phonetics: Stress and Tone in Tanana Athabaskan. Anthropological Linguistics 45:3, pp. 316-336. Tuttle, Siri G. (2005) Coronal ejectives in Ahtna Athabaskan. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 117, 2489 (2005) Tuttle, Siri G. and Ellen Kaisse (1996) Tone loss in Minto (Lower Tanana) Athabaskan. CLS 32.