1. following lives from birth and through the adult years www.cls.ioe.ac.uk GeNet Gender Equality Symposium Erzsébet Bukodi Institute of Education, University of London Bad start: is there a way up? Gender differences in the effect of initial occupation on early career mobility in Britain

2. following lives from birth and through the adult years www.cls.ioe.ac.uk Research questions Major objective: to examine gender and cohort differences in the strength of the effects of career entry on subsequent upward or downward mobility. Do bad entry jobs have implications for career development which differ by gender? If gender differences in the consequences of bad entry jobs do exist, are these differences stable or changing over time?

3. following lives from birth and through the adult years www.cls.ioe.ac.uk Why gender differences? Selectivity issues: in certain low level entry positions women may have lower qualifications women may have fewer opportunities for further training Career prospects may be affected by employees work contracts increased participation in part-time work for British women Gender differences in the effect of psychological capital a bad entry may discourage women more from applying for better jobs Gender differences in preferences women may be less concerned with a rapid job promotion Women make fewer good job changes and more between bad jobs

4. following lives from birth and through the adult years www.cls.ioe.ac.uk Gradually improving position of women in the British LM Mens LM opportunities have been worsening since the early eighties diminishing gender differences in the effects of initial occupational placement on career trajectories Polarisation of employment structure (e.g. Goos and Manning, 2007): growing demands for highly educated employees growing demands for more feminized low paid service jobs with few career prospects increasing gender differences in the effects of initial occupational placement on career trajectories Why cohort differences?

5. following lives from birth and through the adult years www.cls.ioe.ac.uk Data: NCDS and BCS70 The National Child Development Study - census of babies born in a certain week of 1958 in Great Britain - 7 main interview waves up to 2004 (age 46) The British Cohort Study - census of babies born in a certain week of 1970 in Great Britain - 6 sweeps up to 2004 (age 34) In both surveys: - retrospective histories of employment - womens and mens occupational histories This paper: - makes use of the sweeps conducted at age 23, 33-34 in the case of NCDS and at age 26, 30 and 34 in the case of BCS70 - reconstructs cohort members job histories between age 16 and 34 (relatively early career) - only significant jobs are considered (lasted at least 6 months)

6. following lives from birth and through the adult years www.cls.ioe.ac.uk Examining occupational mobility: creating an occupational scale We construct a ranking schema based on occupational wage rates (see Nickell, 1982) earnings data from the UK New Earnings Survey ranked the occupations using the 77 SOC codes according to the mean hourly wage rates of full-timers in each occupation (Men + women) the scores represent relative positions within occupational distribution Low quality occupations: those in the bottom quintile

7. following lives from birth and through the adult years www.cls.ioe.ac.uk Low quality jobs at LM entry

8. following lives from birth and through the adult years www.cls.ioe.ac.uk Consequences of bad entry Distribution of individuals who entered the labour market in the LOWEST occupational level by the career type

9. following lives from birth and through the adult years www.cls.ioe.ac.uk Consequences of bad entry: an event-history analysis All job moves up to age 34 are considered Piecewise exponential models (with control for unobserved heterogeneity) Dependent variables: upward and downward mobility Key explanatory variable: first occupational level Other covariates: job tenure (in months) cumulative work experience (in months) % of work career in part-time employment until current job occupational mobility history up to current job (no mobility, only upward, only downward, both types) qualifications at entry the current job current job: occupational score, part-time/full-time job

10. following lives from birth and through the adult years www.cls.ioe.ac.uk Consequences of bad entry: the effects of first occupational level on upward mobility -0.50.50 -0.25 0.25 3rd level 1st level 2nd level 4th level5th level Cohort-1958 -0.50.5 0-0.250.25 3rd level 1st level 2nd level 4th level 5th level Cohort-1970 MEN 0.5 0 0.25 -0.25 -0.5 3rd level 1st level 2nd level 4th level 5th level Cohort-1958 0.5 0-0.5 0.25-0.25 3rd level 1st level 2nd level 4th level 5th level Cohort-1970 WOMEN

11. following lives from birth and through the adult years www.cls.ioe.ac.uk Consequences of bad entry: the effects of first occupational level on downward mobility WOMEN -0.50.50 -0.25 0.25 3rd level 1st level 2nd level 4th level 5th level Cohort-1958 -0.50.5 0-0.250.25 3rd level 1st level 2nd level 4th level 5th level Cohort-1970 MEN 0.5 0 0.25 -0.25 -0.5 3rd level 1st level 2nd level 4th level 5th level Cohort-1958 0.5 0-0.5 0.25-0.25 3rd level 1st level 2nd level 4th level 5th level Cohort-1970

12. following lives from birth and through the adult years www.cls.ioe.ac.uk Conclusions Considerable gender differences in the effects of occupational level at LM entry: Women face the greatest hindrance to career advancement from the low quality entry jobs Gender differences in the effect of bad entry jobs on subsequent career chances have changed over time: For women, the detrimental effects of starting a career in the lowest occupational quintile are more pronounced for members of the 1970 cohort LM entry at the bottom of occupational hierarchy: for women: more like a trap for men: more like a stepping-stone Policy implication: Gender inequalities at the lower hierarchical level appear to be strengthening