1. Revision

2.  Movements leave behind a phonologically null trace in all their extraction sites

3.  Motivation  Structural Preservation  Movements don’t alter structure  The Projection Principle  Structures are founded on lexical properties  So movements don’t alter lexical properties

4.  Evidence  Wanna contraction  Who 1 do you want to meet t 1 (wanna)  Who 1 do you want t 1 to smile(*wanna)  Doubling  ci alo visto ci? (Italian dialect)  whom has-he seen whom  “who has he seen?”  Resumptive Pronouns  My brother, he likes to sing

5.  1)In which of the following would we expect ‘wanna’ contraction to be possible?  A)I don’t want John to leave  B)where do you want to go?  C)who do you want to help you?  D)John, I don’t want to win

6.  Unconstrained movement is too powerful   the need for constraints  Constraints  A-over-A principle  An XP cannot move out of an XP  Not empirically accurate  Island constraints  Wh-Island constraint  Complex DP Island  Sentential Subject Island  Coordinate Structure Island  What explains Islands?

7.  Constraints  Subjacency  Reduced Islands down to one constraint  Only one bounding node can be crossed by a single movement  Bounding nodes = IP and DP  Long distance movement can be achieved by a series of short movements  [ IP He 1 seems [ IP t 1 to have been believed [ IP t 1 to [ VP t 1 know Bill]]]]

8.  Constraints  Head Movement Constraint  A head can only move to the nearest head position  More restrictive than subjacency  But both restrict the length of movements

9.  Constraints  Relativised Minimality  An element of type X can only move to the nearest type X position

10.  2)Which of the following structures involves a violation of Subjacency:  A)[ CP wh 1 [ IP... [ CP t 1 [ IP... [ CP t 1 [ IP... t 1 ]]]]]]  B) [ CP wh 1 [ IP... [ CP t 1 [ IP... [ DP... t 1 ]]]]]  C)[ CP [ IP DP 1... [ CP [ IP t 1... [ VP t 1 ]]]]]  D)[ CP wh 1 [ IP t 1... [ CP [ IP t 1... [ VP t 1 ]]]]]

11.  We distinguish  Morphological case  The form a nominal element takes  Abstract Case  A property that a nominal has because it occupies a certain position  This may or may not effect its morphological case  Case theory is about Abstract Case

12.  Case is assigned by certain ‘governors’ to certain positions  Finite I governs nominative Case and assigns it to its specifier  P governs accusative Case and assigns it to its complement  Agentive V governs accusative Case and assigns it to the specifier of its complement (the object)  Complementiser for governs accusative Case and assigns it to the specifier of its complement (the subject)

14.  The Case Filter  All overt DPs must sit in Case positions  * the observation John(of John)  * very fond John(of John)  * tried [John to leave](tried [to leave])  Nouns, adjectives and non-finite inflection do not assign Case  Exceptional Verbs  Assign Case to the subject of their infinitival arguments  I believe [him to be rich]

15.  Case and Movement  A DP in a Caseless position has to move to a Case position in order to satisfy the Case Filter  * it was seen Mary  Mary 1 was seen t 1  It seems [John is rich]  * it seems [John to be rich]  John 1 seems [ t 1 to be rich]  Therefore Case Theory applies to S-structure, not to D-structure

16.  3)Concerning the DP John in the following  I expect John to behave  A)it gets accusative Case from the verb expect  B)it gets accusative Case from the inflection  C)it gets nominative Case from the inflection  D)it is in a Caseless position

17.  The double object construction  Two abstract verbs  Agentive  Goal  Two Case assigners  Only agent moves  Verb moves to support both abstract verbs  So is in front of both objects

18.  Dative Construction  One abstract verb, one preposition  Two Case assigners  Only the agent moves  Verb moves to support abstract verb  Ends up in front of two internal arguments

19.  Some claim that one of these constructions derives from the other  Most probably the double object derives from the dative  But the two constructions have slightly different semantic properties  The goal of the DO must be a recipient  *I sent London a letter(I sent a letter to London)  The goal of the dative cannot be an inaliable possessor  *I gave a new engine to the car (I gave the car a new engine)

20.  4)Where does the theme in the dative construction get its Case from?  A)the preposition to  B)the abstract ‘goal’ verb  C)the abstract ‘agentive’ verb  D)the finite inflection

21.  Prepositional verbs take a PP argument in complement position  The preposition assigns Case to its object  The verb moves to support the abstract verb

22.  The preposition may optionally incorporate into the verb  The verb and preposition move to support the abstract verb  The preposition cannot assign Case to its complement  So this must move to the specifier of VP  The abstract verb assigns it Case  This is why prepositional verbs can passivise  The chimney was looked up

23.  A phrasal verb takes a PP complement and has a theme in specifier position  The verb moves to support the abstract verb  The preposition is stranded  The abstract verb assigns Case to the theme

24.  The preposition can optionally incorporate into the verb  They move to support the abstract verb  The preposition is in front of the theme  He looked up the word  The theme still gets Case from the abstract verb

25.  5)Which of the following involves a phrasal verb  A)the bed was slept in  B)the police looked into the matter  C)the customers were put right off  D)he went right into the house

26.  Clausal arguments of verbs occupy the theme position  Specifier of the contentful verb  Clausal arguments are mostly CPs  Finite clauses  Infinitives with for complementisers  Control clauses (with PRO subjects)

27.  Exceptional clauses have no CP but are just IPs  CP is a barrier to Case assignment  So only exceptional clauses allow their subjects to be Case marked from outside  The accusative Case is assigned by the abstract verb associated with the exceptional verb

28.  Raising clauses are like exceptional clauses  But as there is no abstract verb to assign Case, the subject has to raise

29.  6)In which of the following is the embedded clause not a CP?  A)he tried [to leave]  B)it seems [he left]  C)[for him to leave] would be nice  D)he seems [to have left]

30.  Tense in English is a null morpheme of the category ‘v’ (little v)  It always follows I  He may -  pres smile  Verb moves to support tense  Him to -  anaphoric smile  Verb moves to support tense  He –ed -  past smile  Verb moves to support tense and inflection

31.  Negation (not) is best analysed as an adverbial rather than a head  It has a range of positions within the little v part of sentence structure  Above VP and below I  He may (not) have (not) been (not) seen  It has no effect on auxiliary selection  He has seen Bill  He has not seen Bill

32.  Two restrictions on negation  It cannot precede I  It cannot follow V  Therefore in the presence of negation, the verb cannot move to I as negation must be between them  In this case, do is inserted to support I  * he smile 1 -ed not t 1  * he not smile 1 -ed t 1  He did not smile

33.  7)In which of the following will the tense morpheme be supported by the inserted auxiliary have?  A)he may -  -en go  B)him to -  -ing go  C)he –ed -  go  D)we -  -  go

34.  VP adverbials adjoin to VP and so are closer to the verb than sentential adverbials  Sentential adverbials adjoin to the phrase headed by tense (little vP) or to I’ and so are further from the verb  He will certainly quickly hide the evidence  * he will quickly certainly hide the evidence

35.  Although VP adverbials adjoin to VP, they are forced to adjoin to I’ when the verb moves to I  Adverbials cannot immediately follow the verb  VP adverbials prefer to be adjoined to VP

36.  8)In which of the following is the adverbial not adjoined to I’?  A)he really should see a doctor  B)she quickly drank the coffee  C)they certainly saw the accident  D)he is obviously going to phone the police

37.  There are four types of gerund  Acc-inghim writing a letter  PRO-ingPRO writing a letter  Poss-inghis writing a letter  Ing-ofhis writing of the letter  We analysed only the last two

38.  ‘-ing’ nominalises verbs by  Taking a VP complement  Projecting an NP  It is a bound morpheme, so the verb moves to support it  Which type of VP it takes as its complement determines which type of gerund we get

39.  -ing-of  -ing takes the content VP as its complement  There is no agentive verb to assign the theme Case  So of is inserted  Any determiner is possible  A possessor is possible with a possessive determiner

40.  Poss-ing  -ing takes the full thematic VP as a complement  So there is an agentive verb  And an agent  The theme gets Case from the agentive verb  So no of insertion  The agent needs Case  So no other determiner than the possessive is possible

41.  9)which gerund can be modified by an adjective?  A)poss-ing  B)acc-ing  C)ing-of  D)PRO-ing

42.  Three movements make use of the front of the clause  Topicalisation  These paintings 1, I really like t 1  Focus fronting  (it was) JOHN 1 I saw t 1  Negative fronting  Nothing 1 could I see t 1

43.  Topicalisaton  Adjoins the topic to the highest possible clausal projection  CP in main clauses  Not CP in embedded clauses  Adjunction is recursive  So there can be more than one topic

44.  Focus fronting  Focus is moved to specifier of a functional projection between C and IP  There can only be one focus  This projection must be like IP as it is the complement of the complementiser  But it isn’t IP as its complement is IP

45.  Negative fronting  The fronted negative moves to the same position as the focus  But this makes the clause negative  So there must be a head of iP for the negative to agree with  So the auxiliary inverts

46.  10) In a main clause with both a topic and a fronted focus, what will their order be?  A)the topic will precede the focus  B)the focus will precede the topic  C)they can be placed in any order  D)the sentence will be ungrammatical as they occupy the same position

47.  Binding theory  Principle A  An anaphor must be bound in its smallest binding domain  John 1 likes himself 1  * Mary 1 likes himself 2  * John 1 ’s mother likes himself 1  * John 1 thinks Mary likes himself 1  Anaphor e.g. Himself  Bound = coindexed with and c- commanded by something  C-command = an element c-commands its sister and everything inside its sister  Binding domain = a category with a subject

48.  Binding theory  Principle B  A pronominal must be free in its smallest binding domain  * John 1 likes him 1  Mary 1 likes him 2  John 1 ’s mother likes him 1  John 1 thinks Mary likes him 1  Pronominal = Him  Free = not bound

49.  Reflexivity  Principle A  A reflexive marked verb must be reflexive  * Mary likes himself  Principle B  A reflexive verb must be reflexive marked  * John 1 likes him 1  Reflexive marking = morphologically marked by reflexive morpheme  E.g. -self  Reflexive verb = a verb with two or more arguments referring to the same thing  E.g. He shaved himself

50.  11) According to Binding theory, which of the following sentences is ungrammatical because the anaphor is not bound?  A)* John 1 thinks Mary likes himself 1  B)* John 1 saw Mary’s picture of himself 1  C)* John 1 saw him 1  D)* John 1 ’s mother saw himself 1

51.  Universal grammar is the idea that there are grammatical principles which underlie all human languages  Arguments  There are language universals  Human languages are translatable  The species specificity argument  The poverty of the stimulus argument  The fact of child language acquisition

52.  Principles and Parameters theory  Principles = underlying universals (not learned)  Parameters = variable parts of the grammar which allow languages to differ and which must be acquired

53.  12) which of the following X-bar statements constitutes a parameter setting?  A)A phrase has a head  B)The mother of the specifier is XP  C)The head precedes its complement  D)The sister of the complement is the head

54.  Answers will be given in the lecture