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Published byVanessa Wood Modified over 9 years ago
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Tierra y Libertad
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In the nineteenth century Mexico achieved independence from Spain but did not industrialize By trading their raw materials and agricultural products for foreign manufactured goods and capital investments, they became economically dependent on the wealthier United States
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Their societies, far from fulfilling the promises of their independence, remained deeply split between wealthy landowners and desperately poor peasants Few countries in Latin America suffered as many foreign invasions and interventions as Mexico A Mexican saying observed wryly: “Poor Mexico: so far from God, so close to the United States”
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At the beginning of the twentieth century Mexican society was divided into rich and poor and into persons of Spanish, Indian, and mixed ancestry A few very wealthy families of Spanish origin, less than 1 percent of the population, owned 85 percent of Mexico’s land, mostly in huge haciendas (estates) Closely tied to this elite were the American’s who controlled most of Mexico’s railroads, silver mines, plantations, and other productive enterprises
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At the other end of the social scale were Indians, many of whom did not speak Spanish Mestizos, people of mixed Indian and European ancestry, were only slightly better off; most of them were peasants who worked on the haciendas or farmed small communal plots near their ancestral villages The urban middle class was small and had little political influence. Few professional and government positions were open to them, and foreigners owned most businesses
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During the colonial period, the Spanish government had made halfhearted efforts to defend Indians and mestizos from the land-grabbing tactics of the haciendas After independence in 1821 wealthy Mexican families and American companies used bribery and force to acquire millions of acres of good agricultural land from villages in southern Mexico Peasants lost not only their fields but also their access to firewood and pasture for their animals. They had little choice but to work on haciendas
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Despite many upheavals in Mexico in the nineteenth century, in 1910, the government seemed in control For thirty-four years, General Porfirio Díaz had ruled Mexico under the motto “Liberty, Order, and Progress” The government imposed order through rigged elections and a policy of pan o palo (bread or the stick) or bribes for Díaz’s supporters and summary justice for those who opposed him
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Though a mestizo himself, Díaz discriminated against the nonwhite majority of Mexicans There was a devaluing of traditional Mexican culture in favor of European fashions and tastes This devaluation of Mexican culture became a symbol of the regime’s failure to defend national interests against foreign influences
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The Mexican Revolution developed haphazardly, led by a series of ambitious but limited leaders, each representing a different segment of Mexican society The first was Francisco Madero, the son of a wealthy landowning and mining family, educated in the United States When minor uprisings broke out in 1911, the government collapsed and Díaz fled into exile The Madero presidency was welcomed by some, but aroused opposition from peasant leaders like Emiliano Zapata
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In 1913, after two years as president, Madero was overthrown and murdered by one of his former supporters, General Victoriano Huerta Woodrow Wilson, president of the United States, showed his displeasure by sending the United States Marines to occupy Veracruz The inequities of Mexican society and foreign intervention in Mexico’s affairs angered Mexico’s middle class and industrial workers They found leaders in Venustiano Carranza, a landowner, and in Álvaro Obregón, a school teacher Calling themselves Constitutionalists, Carranza and Obregón organized private armies and succeeded in overthrowing Huerta in 1914
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By then, the revolution had spread to the countryside As early as 1911, Emiliano Zapata, an Indian farmer, had led a revolt against the haciendas in the mountains of Morelos, south of Mexico City His soldiers were peasants, some of them women, mounted on horseback and armed with pistols and rifles For several years, they periodically came down from the mountains, burned hacienda buildings, and returned land to Indian villages to which it had once belonged
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Another leader appeared in Chihuahua, a northern state where seventeen individuals owned two-fifths of the land and 95 percent of the people had no land at all Starting in 1913, Francisco “Pancho” Villa, a former ranch hand, mule driver, and bandit, organized an army of three thousand men, most of them cowboys They too seized land from the large haciendas, not to rebuild traditional communities as in southern Mexico but to create family ranches Zapata and Villa were part agrarian rebels, part social revolutionaries
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They enjoyed tremendous popular support but could never rise above their regional and peasant origins and lead a national revolution The Constitutionalists had fewer soldiers than Zapata and Villa, but they held major cities, controlled the country’s exports of oil, and used the proceeds of oil sales to buy modern weapons Fighting continued for years, and gradually the Constitutionalists took over most of Mexico In 1919, they defeated and killed Zapata; Villa was assassinated four years later An estimated 2 million people lost their lives in the civil war, and much of Mexico lay in ruins
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During their struggle to win support against Zapata and Villa, the Constitutionalists adopted many of their rivals’ agrarian reforms, such as restoring communal lands to the Indians of Morelos The Constitutionalists also proposed social programs designed to appeal to workers and the middle class The Constitution promised a lot but for the most part was not put into practice.
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In the early 1920s, after a decade of violence that exhausted all classes, the Mexican Revolution lost momentum Nevertheless, the Revolution changed the social makeup of the governing class For the first time in Mexico’s history, representatives of rural communities, unionized workers, and public employees were admitted to the inner circle
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In the arts, the Mexican Revolution sparked a surge of creativity The political murals of José Clemente Orozco and Diego Rivera and the paintings of Frida Kahlo focused on social themes, showing peasants, workers, and soldiers in scenes from the Revolution
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In 1928, Obregón was assassinated His successor, Plutarco Elías Calles, founded the National Revolutionary Party, or PNR (the abbreviation of its name in Spanish) The establishment of the PNR gave the Mexican Revolution a second wind
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Lázaro Cárdenas, chosen by Calles to be president in 1934, brought peasants’ and workers’ organizations into the party, and renamed it the Mexican Revolutionary Party (PRM), and removed the generals from government positions
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Then he set to work implementing the reforms promised in the Constitution of 1917 Cárdenas redistributed 44 million acres (17.6 hectares) to peasant communes He closed church-run schools He nationalized the railroads and numerous other businesses
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His most dramatic move was the expropriation of foreign-owned oil companies In the early 1920s, Mexico was the world’s leading producer of oil, but a handful of American and British companies exported almost all of it In 1938, Cárdenas seized the foreign- owned oil industry, more as a matter of national pride than of economics The oil companies expected the governments of the United States and Great Britain to come to their rescue, with military force
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But Mexico and the United States chose to resolve the issue through negotiation, and Mexico retained control of its oil industry When Cárdenas term ended in 1940, Mexico was still a land of poor farmers with a small industrial base The Revolution had brought great changes, however The political system was free of both chaos and dictatorships A small group of wealthy people no longer monopolized land and other resources
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The military was tamed The Catholic Church no longer controlled education And the nationalization of oil had demonstrated Mexico’s independence from foreign corporations and military intervention
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But the Revolution did not fulfill the democratic promise of Madero’s campaign, for it brought to power the political party that became the PRI, the Institutional Revolutionary Party that monopolized the government for eighty years
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The Revolution also promised far-reaching social reforms, such as free education, higher wages and more security for workers, and the redistribution of land to the peasants The long-delayed reforms began to be implemented during the Cárdenas administration Yet they fell short of the ideals expressed by the revolutionaries, but they laid the foundation for the later industrialization of Mexico
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