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THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT LATI 50 Introduction to Latin America
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READINGS MLA, chs. 8, 11 (Venezuela, Brazil) MLA Website, Basic Data and Current Issues, 2.B
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PROBLEMS! Democracy and U.S.-Latin American relations The rise of the “new Left” aka “pink tide”
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DEMOCRACY IN THE 1990s Free and fair elections Weak institutions (especially parties and legislatures) Neoliberal economic policies (TINA) No threat to ruling elites (or to international order)
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GWB AND LATIN AMERICA 1.Lack of high-level attention 2.Abandonment of negotiations with Mexico for immigration reform 3.Overriding concern with support for anti-terrorist campaign (not democracy) 4.FTAs and drug policy as political tools 5.Opposition to Castro, Chávez, and the new Left
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THE NEW LEFT: ORIGINS Economic—lack of growth (through 2003), poverty and inequality, frustration with Washington Consensus Political—weakness of representative institutions, inattention to poor, persistence of corruption International—war in Iraq, opposition to Bush policies and growing distaste for American society
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THE NEW LEFT: MEMBERSHIP Hugo Chávez, Venezuela (1998, 2004, 2006) Lula, Brazil (2002, 2006) and Dilma Rousseff (2010) Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández, Argentina (2003, 2007, 2011) Evo Morales, Bolivia (2005, 2009) Daniel Ortega, Nicaragua (2006, 2011) Rafael Correa, Ecuador (2006, 2010) Fernando Lugo, Paraguay (2008) Mauricio Funes, El Salvador (2009) Ollanta Humala, Peru (2011) Near-Miss: Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Mexico (2006)
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CLARIFICATIONS #1 Differentiation: right/center/left Contending leaders in/for Latin America: –Felipe Calderón (Mexico) –Lula (Brazil) –Hugo Chávez (Venezuela)
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CLARIFICATIONS #2 Disenchanted masses in Latin America ≠ Voters for pink tide candidates ≠ Leftist candidates for office ≠ Leftist winners of presidential elections ≠ Pro-Chávez chief executives ≠ Hugo Chávez Notes: –Tidal swell is spontaneous, not organized –Rivalries and defections
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THE PINK TIDE: GOALS Domestic—winning power, rearranging electoral alignments; overturning status quo, possibly through institutional reform; changing policy direction Hemispheric—gaining support throughout Latin America (invoking “Bolivarian dream”), reducing U.S. hegemony Global—challenging international order, forging alliances with developing world and non-aligned nations
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THE PROBLEM WITH HUGO Uses language of the street (including the Arab street)—e.g., the “devil” speech Sits atop petroleum Puts money where his mouth is Breaks established rules of the game Plays off resentment of Bush, U.S. power Challenges Washington Consensus and FTAA Goes for high stakes Seeks rearrangement of prevailing world order
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THE ODD COUPLE: HUGO AND JORGE George’s “gifts” to Hugo: –discourse on democracy (e.g., Second Inaugural) –caricature of “ugly American” –unpopularity of foreign policies –inattention to Latin America And Hugo’s reciprocation: –exaggerated rhetoric –potential threats to neighboring countries –authoritarian tendencies Q1: What would Hugo do without George? Q2: What about oil?
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CHALLENGING AMERICAN MYTHS The Cherished Assumption—freely elected leaders will support U.S. policy The Western Hemisphere idea—the new world is distinct from old, will forge common front in international arena Democracy rationale for “regime change”—free elections as protective shield The hegemonic presumption—the United States can dictate political life in Latin America
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VISIONS FOR LATIN AMERICA: GWB AND USA Democratic—with tilt to right or center-right Prosperous—with commitment to free-market policies and ties to United States Unified—under U.S. leadership Peaceful—in view of unanimity Deferential—following U.S. lead in global arena
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REALITY CHECK #1 Democracy = broad ideological spectrum, from “left” to “right” Prosperity = mixed economies; rejection of Washington Consensus, FTAs, and FTAA Ideology = diversity rather than unity Outlooks = anti-U.S. attitudes strong and growing among large share of population Alliances = rejection of U.S. leadership and rules of the game
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REALITY CHECK #2 Not everyone wants the same thing…!
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The End.
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