2. Tone sandhi and tonal coarticulation in Fuzhou Min Yang Li 李杨 Phonetics Laboratory, DTAL University of Cambridge 1

3. Fuzhou 2

4. Fuzhou tone sandhi Five full tones in citation: T44, T53, T213, T242, T31 Tone sandhi: T242 + T53 → T44 + T53 3

5. Research question 1 Is Fuzhou tone sandhi actually neutralising? 4

6. Incomplete neutralisation Beijing Mandarin Tone 3 sandhi Perceptually complete BUT: Sandhi Tone 2 found to be different in F0 (Zee 1980, Peng 2000) and velocity Look for clues in Fuzhou tone sandhi T44, T242, T53 → T44 preceding T53 Perception & production experiments 5

7. Neutralisation in Fuzhou Extracted tokens from speaker J 6

8. Neutralisation: perception 2AFC identification task (10 subjects) Contrast four tonal sequences /242-53/, /44-53/, /53-53/ → [44-53] /31-53/ → [22-53] Subject sees 商人 (underlying 44-53) Chooses between two sounds (44-53 vs. 53-53) 7

9. Perception: results n.s *** 8

10. Production experiment Subjects: 10 native speakers of Fuzhou Read speech Stimuli: Disyllabic words in carrier phrase segments controlled 6 repetitions Measurement: F0 (st.) & duration (ms.) 9

11. Production - stimuli Tone pairSyllableMeaning 44-53/suoŋ.nøyŋ/“businessman” 53-53/suoŋ.nøyŋ/“normal guy” 242-53/suoŋ.nøyŋ/“master” 44-53/touŋ.nøyŋ/“treat as man” 53-53/touŋ.nøyŋ/“tall man” 242-53/touŋ.nøyŋ/“father-in-law” 44-53/gao.t h ao/“converse” 53-53/gao.t h ao/“monkey head” 242-53/gao.t h ao/“thick head” 44-53 duration & F0 neutralised 10

12. Neutralisation: duration n.s 11

13. Neutralisation: F0 95% confidence interval mean F0 Method: SS ANOVA 12

14. Neutralisation: summary In Fuzhou: T242, T44, T53 are neutralised preceding T53 Both acoustically and perceptually 13

15. Research question 2 Are sandhi tones modulated by coarticulation? 14

16. Tonal coarticulation Fuzhou Sandhi T44 Conditioned by different context tones Test for anticipatory coarticulation 15

17. Coarticulation: stimuli Underlying tone Surface toneSyllableMeaning 53-5344-53/suoŋ.nau/“keep flowing” 53-4444-44/suoŋ.nau/“keep scooping” 31-21344-213/suoŋ.nau/“want to release” 31-24244-242/suoŋ.nau/ “want to get old” Are these sandhi “44” the “same”? high pitch target low pitch target 16

18. Coarticulation: F0 Sandhi tone HIGHER *** before low target 213/242 normalised time Sandhi tone LOWER *** before high target 53/44 All turn into high level tones Anticipatory dissimilatory effects on the “same” sandhi tones 17

19. Conclusion Fuzhou tone sandhi can be neutralising Possible separation of tone sandhi and tonal coarticulation Anticipatory dissimilation or pre-low raising Found in Mandarin, Cantonese, Taiwanese Min, Thai, Yoruba tones and Japanese pitch accent Perceptual enhancement or anticipatory articulation 18

20. Acknowledgement Thanks are due to Prof. Francis Nolan, Dr. Adrian Leemann, Prof. Yi Xu, Dr. Albert Lee, Derek Johnson, Cherry Lam. Part of a PhD funded by Trinity College, Cambridge. Thank you for your attention. 19