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PROPORTIONALITY, DISTRICTING AND OPEN LISTS How to reconcile them? Author: Leon Malazogu
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Aim To analyze the distribution of seats given: 7 multi-member districts Open lists (within districts) Single vote choice Gender quota of 30% Threshold of 5% (does not apply to political entities representing ethnic communities) 2
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Principles Ranked In order of priority Must Proportionality Representation of communities Gender representation Desirable Direct accountability Geographic representation Not all principles can be met. Search for the best trade-off 3
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Reconciling proportionality & districting Main Principle: strict nation-wide proportionality Trade-off at the expense of district proportionality After consideration of many options, the most superior is the combination of 70-75 seats to be elected at district level and 25-30 compensatory seats to compensate nation-wide proportionality Some countries draw up a separate compensatory (closed) list, but we decided to draw the compensatory candidates from the district list 4
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General Parameters Assume there are 6 parties in total contesting elections Example party results Total ballots, like in 2007 elections 5
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Using Example Figures Advantages Large discrepancies that rarely occur in reality Disproportionate concentration of some parties in some districts Disproportionate strength of leaders Disproportionate concentration of votes for women candidates in some regions/parties Very different turn-out … Disadvantages Only 6 parties, missing very small ones 6
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Determining total number of seats And so it continues, until all seats have been distributed The votes are divided by 1, 3, 5, … 7
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Breakdown of seats Party F is dropped as it does not pass the threshold Four more seats are granted to other political entities, according to the same formula 8
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Calculating the size of districts Total electorate: 1,567,690 Divided by 70 seats Yields 22,396 voters represented by one Member of Parliament Divide electorate of each regional/district by district magnitude (22,396) Then calculate and rank largest remainders Adding the above yields the total share of each district in the Assembly of Kosovo 9
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Calculating the size of districts A: Share of district B: Share of district (full integer) C: Largest Remainder D: Seats to the district 10
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What data to use? The 70/30 ratio should be fixed (could also be 75/25) But distribution of the 70 seats should not be fixed It should reflect the size of the district to give it adequate power in the Assembly It is preferable to use population data For as long as these are not satisfactory, it is better to use voters lists, ideally determine the size 6 months ahead of elections In case of early elections, use data from previous elections 11
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Seven different elections? The same calculation for every district, treating them as separate election 12
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Sample figures: Prishtina Intentional huge variations (among parties and districts) As realistic data as possible 13
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Calculation of party seats Same procedure for determining the number of seats per party within the district As Party F did not pass the threshold, the only seat that it would have won in a district, is added to the compensatory seats. 14
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Who exactly? Start from the highest 18,000 13,200 …… Party A: 7 seats …… 15
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District mandates to individuals Do the same for each region Gender rule enforced within each district, as in the last elections at the Kosovo-wide level 16
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District Threshold One reason why even large districts have a mild majoritarian effect is that their natural threshold is larger than the 5% national threshold. The natural threshold at the national level is 1%. 17
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District and National Proportionality Districts produce proportional results for each district. As districts are large, they produce largely proportional results as nation-wide results, but not strictly so. Discrepancies between strict proportional and regional proportional are presented below: Factoring in Kosovo’s 4 minority seats would have further increased this gap 18
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An example of a smaller district Given Ferizaj’s 7 seats, Party F with 6.3% and Party E with 1.5% would not pass the natural threshold. The smaller the districts, small parties lose more 19
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The Best Trade-off The totals were? Key challenge: to balance nation-wide proportionality and district representation Hence the compensation seats How many left to compensate? 20 Seats awarded from the districts:
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Gender Representation at the District Due to the smaller lists being contested, less likely to win by merit 9 more women needed to satisfy the quota The compensatory seats would have to draw 9 candidates of the less represented gender, along the others 21
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Compensation Mechanism Multiple role to compensate for: Party proportionality Gender quota Size: 25-30 (here taken 30) seats to compensate for loss of proportionality at the district level A parallel list is not a good idea. It is better to draw the next 30 candidates with most votes, regardless of the district Row one: the number of women elected from the districts. Row two: the number of women to ensure that the 30% quota was met Last row: number of women to be elected from the compensatory seats 22
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The compensatory seats and gender Final distribution of the compensatory seats looks as following: Of the compensatory seats, the table above illustrates the gender breakdown The distribution of seats to the less represented gender yielded the following table Only Party D has met the quota at the district level already 23
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Final Distribution Sample: Prishtina 17 MPs directly (one less due to the F Party) 7 additional MPs drawn from Prishtina to fulfill overall proportionality 24
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What if? What if two candidates within the same district have the same number of votes, and happen to be 8 th and 9 th when eight seats are contested? Response: Both are elected, and compensatory seats are subtracted by one 25
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Other Issues Pertaining to this Matter Candidate Eligibility … 26
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Any Questions? Written inquiries to: malazogu@yahoo.com Copyright 2008 @ Leon Malazogu 27
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